An Israel-Iran war could unravel the Middle East

Israel’s strikes on Iran have turned a simmering rivalry into a volatile confrontation, fuelling fears of a wider regional war with unpredictable consequences

Axel Rangel García

An Israel-Iran war could unravel the Middle East

Israel’s attack on Iran has sparked global concern, raising fears of a regional war, the possible use of tactical nuclear weapons, and even the outbreak of a third world war. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, stated publicly that operation ‘Rising Lion’ had been in preparation for a long time, claiming that Iran was dangerously close to developing a nuclear weapon.

Iran has had a civilian nuclear energy programme for more than 50 years, but maintains it is for peaceful purposes. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), however, recently reported that Iran possesses a record amount of enriched uranium and has not fully complied with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations, despite having said for 20 years that it has complied.

Prior to Israel’s attack, the US and Iran had been in dialogue over Tehran’s nuclear programme since April, with US President Donald Trump stating the two parties were close to a deal at the end of May—a claim not confirmed by Iran.

To date, Israel has struck nuclear facilities in Natanz, Fordow, and Esfahan. Despite the attacks, radiation levels outside the Natanz site have remained unchanged, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). However, there is radiological and chemical contamination within the facility.

Reuters
A satellite image shows the Natanz nuclear facility after airstrike in Iran in this handout image dated June 14, 2025.

Escalation timeline

The two sides have traded blows before, most recently in April 2024, when Iran launched a large-scale missile and drone attack on Israel in retaliation for an Israeli strike on its consulate in Damascus. Further strikes were carried out in October the same year, but this time the conflict has escalated in both scale and scope.

Israel has targeted nuclear and military facilities across Iran, killing around a dozen top commanders—including the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, the chief of the General Staff, and the commander of the Air Force—as well as several Iranian nuclear scientists. Assassinations have become an integral part of Israel’s war doctrine—targeting the leadership structures of its enemies with precision.

In response, Iran has launched missile and drone attacks on Tel Aviv and other cities. Still, Israel’s attacks appear to be way ahead of Iran’s in terms of military effectiveness. The civilian death toll in Iran has been high, with more than 200 killed and hundreds injured. In Israel, 20 have been killed and hundreds more wounded.

Despite clear warnings—including alerts to US citizens, the evacuation of families, and the closure of embassies—Iran was, once again, caught off guard. In addition to cyber intelligence, Israel has a large network of human assets within Iran, smuggling in weapons and deploying operatives to hit targets with precision. In response, Iran is ratcheting up the rhetoric, threatening to target US bases, as well as those of France and the UK, if they continue to support Israel.

Iran is ratcheting up the rhetoric, threatening to target US bases, as well as those of France and the UK, if they continue to support Israel

Contradictory policies

For some time, Israel has been targeting senior military commanders within Iran. But few believed the US would give the green light to such a major operation—especially when the US was sitting at the negotiating table with Iran, and US President Donald Trump was at loggerheads with Netanyahu. Of course, the world should now know that Trump, who is determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, can pursue contradictory policies instantaneously.

In October last year, during a presidential campaign event in North Carolina, Trump said Israel should attack Iran's nuclear facilities. Asked what he thought about then-President Joe Biden's earlier statement—that he would not support an Israeli strike against Iranian nuclear facilities—Trump said: "Nuclear weapons are the biggest risk. Biden's answer should have been, hit the nuclear first, and worry about the rest later."

The theocratic regime running Iran with religious and patriotic rhetoric—and an iron fist domestically—is facing unprecedented internal and external pressures. Netanyahu, too, despite his tough stance and high-power politics, is under mounting scrutiny. Both anti-Israel sentiment and antisemitism are on the rise globally because of Netanyahu and his far-right government's devastating war on Gaza. When Israel began its offensive, the then-defence minister, Yoav Gallant, announced a "complete siege" of Gaza, declaring: "There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed. We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly." This statement has been applied as policy.

Many citizens of Israel are against Netanyahu's policies, but don't view the damage being done to their greatest enemies—Iran, Hamas, and Syria—as bad. Netanyahu's policies have also frustrated Trump. Nevertheless, US-Israel cooperation continues. Trump cannot ignore the Israeli lobby, and support for Israel is strong within Congress. The Evangelical-Zionist bond can also not be ignored.

Read more: Christian Zionists' dark fealty to Israel

REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
Vehicles drive near damaged buildings in Beirut's southern suburbs after a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah took effect, Lebanon November 27, 2024.

Re-shaping the Middle East

After Israel's operations in Syria, Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank, Iran is on the back foot. It has received severe blows in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, and its logistic line passing through Syria to Lebanon has been cut off. How Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye respond will be critical in shaping the region's future. Will Iran fall to its knees? Will the regime come to the negotiating table? Will it concede to Israeli and US demands? If it does, it could well hasten its own downfall.

However, although Israel and the US agree Iran should not have nuclear weapons, they differ on what should follow. Netanyahu has openly called for regime change, and although the US would not shed any tears if the regime were to topple, it is hesitant to engage in its forced removal.

Keeping the regime in place may also have its benefits. A destabilised Iran could have serious regional repercussions, with fresh waves of hundreds of thousands of Iranian and Afghan refugees heading towards Türkiye and the West. Not only would this create serious instability, but it would also put further pressure on an already stressed international community, not to mention UN resources.

If another wave of instability hit Türkiye, Israel would not be displeased. Relations between the two countries are tense and hostile. When Argentine President Javier Milei visited Israel last week, Netanyahu made disparaging remarks about Türkiye during a speech to the Knesset. "Although some may disagree with me, I do not believe the Ottoman Empire will return anytime soon. It will not return," he declared. 

In a written statement, Türkiye President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Israel's attacks on Iran were a "blatant provocation" that disregards international law. He also said Netanyahu was dragging the region and the world to disaster, and called for the international community to intervene and stop Israel.

Devlet Bahçeli, chairman of the Nationalist Movement Party and Erdoğan's closest ally and partner, was even more forceful, declaring that it is a historic responsibility—for Türkiye's national security and peace in the region—to stop Israel. He argued that, with all diplomatic avenues exhausted, Israel must be stopped by force.

A development many dread the most is a direct confrontation between Israel and Türkiye. Israel knows that Türkiye is too big and strong to swallow. In fact, knowing that direct confrontation would bring great harm to both, Türkiye and Israel are expected to make their moves accordingly, but almost nothing is done in line with common sense.

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