Sudanese intellectuals weigh in on Sudan's never-ending war

"Signs of the current Sudanese crisis have been manifesting themselves in destructive internal wars in the west, south, and east, leading to the secession of the south and now, potentially, the secession of other parts of the country as a tragic outcome of the current conflict."

"The priority now is to stop the war at all costs," El Souwaim says.

"These leaders must listen to reason, as the fate of our country is at stake."

He says it's imperative that the Sudanese people address deep divisions and 'diseases' that have existed since Sudan became an independent country and have ravaged the country ever since.

"Amid the selfishness of politicians and leaders, it's important that we recognise the rights of others in this country. This is the only way to progress toward a true democratic transformation," he says.

El Souwaim pauses and then continues, "Having said that, I believe it's imperative that we confront the 'Islamist' remnants of the al-Bashir regime. These elements are fuelling sedition and inciting violence in a bid to maintain their hold on power. They are the source of the scourge."

On his part, novelist Abdelaziz Baraka Sakin, who wrote about the civil wars in Sudan in several of his novels, says: "There are no winners or losers in Sudan's war, because it's a never-ending war. Just like a yo-yo, the ball swings endlessly."

Sakin explains that the current situation is not something new or unusual —  pointing to the ongoing wars in Darfur and Kordofan where thousands of people have been killed and material losses are high. The only difference, this time, is the location where violence has reached the capital.

Failure to embrace pluralism

On his part, Nasser Al-Sayed Al-Nour, a Sudanese researcher and translator, asserts that the Sudanese crisis is complex and that challenges have only intensified since the country's independence.

One of the main points of contention, according to Al-Nour, is the failure of Sudan's leaders to embrace pluralism and diversity.

"We cannot approach the situation outside of its historical, cultural and social contexts. Rather than trying to solve problems based on facts, those in power reverted to ideological perceptions and fantasies which hindered realistic solutions," he explains.

"Planning and development of national projects aimed at encouraging growth and modernisation were based on false premises which ultimately led to their failure. The political elite governed based on sectarian and regional affiliations that pre-date the formation of the state," Al-Nour says.

Because Sudan's rulers excluded huge segments of Sudanese society, Al-Nour explains that, by default, this marginalised intellectuals who are a critical component to state formation.

"The reliance on military power and discouragement of democracy impedes independent thinking and encourages a herd mentality," Al Nour says.

Even though Sudan has experienced civil and democratic revolutions, violent political intervention has stymied any chance of Sudan transitioning into a democratic and prosperous nation, according to Al-Nour.

Though challenging, democracy is possible.

Al-Nour points out: "We have seen other countries overcome historical challenges and leverage diversity to step into the future."

According to Al-Nour, a key axiom of politics is that political stability in a country cannot be achieved without the participation of both political and civil forces. In a democracy, everyone has the right to withdraw their support for a particular position without reason provided that this withdrawal is not intended to undermine the existing system.

It should be noted that the system does not refer to the people in power or the methods that brough them there. Rather, the system consists of state apparatuses and institutions and the public interest.

The Sudanese experience has demonstrated that political reconciliation is impossible regardless of the causes behind the political tension. The state must be rebuilt on new foundations based on contemporary reality and not on past grievances. It must also manage diversity through practical governance and break out of the authoritarian cycle, Al-Nour explains.

Army should protect democratic process

On his part, Sudanese author and novelist Muhammad Al-Tayyib says: "Military tensions between the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) were dormant until a conflict of interests emerged, and this is what happened. Modern history in the region warns us of the fate of countries where militias grow stronger than the army, and the divisions and civil wars that follow."

"The army must play its intended role as an entity protecting the borders and supporting the democratic process, rather than fighting it. Sudan has had enough of civil wars, consecutive dictatorships, and military coups, all of which bleed into one another." 

Al-Tayyib calls for a political solution and says, "It is vital to reach a peaceful resolution, return to peaceful transitional politics, and support the transitional period as soon as possible, which will ultimately lead to real elections without under-the-table agreements and military politicisation."

"This is the natural role that any officer who loves their country must play rather than bickering to stay in power illegally, which does not serve the people who are already suffering from economic hardship, instability, and a civil war that spares no one."

"Supporting an initiative to stop the fighting is vital, as is a return to a peaceful process to hand over power. The political momentum must be found to create a civilian government and a legislative council that can get us out of the impasse and help achieve the goals of the December revolution, for which many shed their blood and many of our finest young people lost their lives."

Al-Tayyib adds: "The sound of gunfire must be silenced, and a comprehensive collective dialogue must be held where the country's problems are discussed clearly. The tumours that have ailed the nation must be removed by those who want what's best for the country and not those who chase after their personal interests or the false lure of power."

"It's really unfortunate that those who hold the weapons only listen to the sound of guns and missiles. As Durayd ibn al-Simma said: I advised them as the battle raged … My advice only became clear the next day."

A paralysed nation

On his part, storyteller and novelist Ayman Beck says that he never imagined what is happening today: the militarisation, deployment, destruction, and vandalism taking place between the two biggest armies in Sudan.

"The political aspirations of military leaders have led us here," he says.

"Today, the country is completely paralysed. No one can leave their home without being hit by a missile or a stray bullet."

He says that dialogue —  not guns — should decide the outcome of such conflicts. In the past, armies used to fight on a battlefield until one side defeats the other. However, times have evolved and the fact that Sudan has reverted to violence shows just how out of touch they are with modern times.

He says that Sudanese leaders became accustomed to staying in power indefinitely. If the conflict continues, it is likely it will continue for a very long time and result in heavy casualties and the complete destruction of cities.

"When the guns eventually fall silent, there will be no one to govern — just dead bodies," he says.

Beck says he is grateful for the support of neighbouring countries and the international community to try to mediate the conflict. He points out that, at this critical stage, "we don't care about their motives, as long as they help us reach the stability that we seek which is wise civilian and democratic leadership that puts the interests of the people above the greed of other nations."

On their part, Sudanese citizens have an important choice to make, he adds. It's important that they stay out of the war and not add fuel to the fire. Despite the bleak turn of events, Beck remains optimistic that the Sudanese will be able to step up to the challenge and turn the country's fate around.

Read more: UN envoy to Sudan optimistic about transition to civilian rule

A bleak future

On his part, Sudanese writer and novelist Awad Mubarak explains that the fighting currently happening in Sudan has been seen in several post 'Arab Spring' countries where revolutions have been accompanied by wars and a return to old regimes.

"In Sudan's case, they had a delayed 'Arab Spring' which is why this war has only come now," he says.

He points out that, unlike other Arab countries, what happened in Sudan was that it was originally democratic but was taken over by officers affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood in a military coup.

From day one, Sudan's new rulers took decisive steps to empower themselves which included the arbitrary dismissal of independent military and civilian officials and their replacement by Islamists.

Additionally, admission into Sudan's military academy became dependent on one's allegiance to the Muslim Brotherhood, regardless of their qualifications, Mubarak explains. This led to a generation of officers who are now in charge of the armed forces. Therefore, it's not a national institution as one may think — it is directed by the Brotherhood.

"This is where the continuity of their power stems from. Those who think that the December 19 revolution toppled the regime are delusional. The regime is still holding on tightly to power. They simply replaced one leader with another based on their interests."

 "The Sudanese people are bearing the brunt of the catastrophic effects of the Brotherhood's reign. Despite what both parties claim, this is not a struggle for freedom and peace for the Sudanese people. Instead, it is a struggle for power, since the ruling Brotherhood regime wants to maintain its position of power, in order to control the country's wealth," Mubarak explains.

Hemedti got his hands on Sudan's gold, and this opened international trade doors for him he could have never dreamed of. It also allowed him to cultivate personal relationships with regional and international leaders. He was often treated as a president rather than a vice-president or regular official.

Read more: Hemedti: From camel trader to second most powerful man in Sudan

"You can't expect him to relinquish these massive benefits and interests by merging his forces into the armed forces. You can't expect him, after enjoying this status, to take orders from higher ranking officers and receive a monthly salary," he points out.

"At this point, we don't have a clear picture of which side will emerge victorious. What we do know is that the situation is extremely bleak, and that warfare has replaced dialogue."