Seven instances that showed the Russian leader had the upper hand during his meeting with Trump
REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque
US President Donald Trump meets Russian President Vladimir Putin to negotiate for an end to the war in Ukraine in Anchorage, Alaska, on August 15, 2025.
The Alaska summit between Trump and Putin was the latest example of the US president's unpredictability and his weaknesses as a diplomat. European leaders, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, thought they had an agreement with Trump at the end of their Wednesday, 13 August phone call when he agreed that there should be no negotiation about changing borders before a ceasefire.
In addition, European government sources told American media that Trump had agreed to three other principles: (1) Kyiv—not Washington—would negotiate with Moscow any border changes; (2) the US would agree to support some kind of security guarantee for Ukraine as part of the final peace agreement; (3) if Putin rejects a ceasefire, the US would join European states to impose stronger sanctions against Russia.
At first, the White House justified the invitation to Putin as a bold move to end the war in Ukraine. But when American and European commentators began to speculate that Trump might agree to Russian peace terms, the White House quickly backtracked. On 12 August, Spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt described the meeting as a "listening exercise" for Trump to understand Putin’s views—not negotiate a new agreement. Later, Trump said the Alaska meeting was intended to prepare for a second meeting, which would bring Zelenskyy in as well. And by 16 August, he told FOX News en route to Alaska that he would not be happy if he couldn’t reach a ceasefire agreement from the meeting.
But at the end of the Saturday meeting, Putin said nothing about a ceasefire or any immediate start of peace talks in his remarks. Instead, he again emphasised—as he has for three years—his insistence on resolving “the root causes of the conflict”, which are, for him, Ukraine’s nationalist government and its connections to Europe and NATO. He reiterated his goal of establishing a “just” security balance in Europe that would push Western-backed forces farther from Russia's border—something the Kremlin views as an existential threat.
Trump allowed Putin to speak first—a violation of diplomatic protocol where the leader of the host nation should speak first
Putin also praised Trump's willingness to "understand the history of this conflict in Ukraine". Trump, on the stage in Alaska, responded briefly to Putin, acknowledging that there was no deal yet. He said that the two sides "had agreed on many points", but there were "a few" still not agreed. Aside from promising to talk to Zelenskyy and other European leaders "as appropriate," Trump, like Putin, did not lay out any framework or plan for negotiating.
It is also worth noting that the meeting ended abruptly. The two presidents refused to take any questions from the reporters, and they did not issue a joint statement, which is usually what happens at such summits. The scheduled luncheon—which brought the US secretaries of the Treasury, Commerce and Defence on the seven-hour trip from Washington to Alaska—was cancelled.
A Trump submission?
Trump's critics at home immediately sensed he submitted to the Russian president, and jumped on the airwaves to back their claim. They pointed to several instances where they believe showed Putin had the upper hand, such as:
1) Trump accepted the Russian suggestion of a summit just days before his own deadline for Washington to impose new, stronger sanctions on Russia unless Putin accepted a ceasefire.
2) Once the meeting in Alaska was agreed, all discussion in the Trump administration about more sanctions disappeared.
3) At the airport, Trump applauded Putin as the Russian president approached.
US President Donald Trump salutes as he walks with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the tarmac after they arrived at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, on August 15, 2025.
4) In the media appearance with Putin after the meeting, Trump complained to the media at length about the Democratic Party's investigations into Russian interference in the 2016 election. In a later FOX media interview, Trump emphasised that Putin had stressed Trump did win the 2016 election and the Democratic Party had cheated to steal the election—an accusation Trump repeats constantly in Washington.
5) Trump, in all his media conversations in Alaska, highlighted his "fantastic" relationship with Putin—a description he uses with no other world leader.
6) He agreed to allow Putin to speak first at the joint meeting with the media—a violation of diplomatic protocol where the leader of the host nation should speak first.
7) Most importantly, Trump, after the meeting, changed his emphasis from a ceasefire to a broader negotiation of all the issues surrounding Russia-Ukraine relations as the best way to reach the end of the war.
With pressure for a ceasefire and the threat of new sanctions at least postponed, the Russian president was satisfied with the meeting, even if there was no official lunch in his honour. Trump's attention instead turned to securing concessions from an unenthusiastic Zelenskyy.
A losing hand?
The Ukrainian leader's displeasure with Trump's push to end the war at Kyiv's expense was on full display in a now-infamous press gaggle on 28 February, in the Oval Office, where he argued with the US president and vice president in front of the cameras, after which they scolded him and essentially kicked him out of the White House.
Zelenskyy has since learned how to speak with Trump more carefully, and recent conversations have been better. After Alaska, Trump called Zelenskyy to debrief him on the developments, to which the Ukrainian leader agreed to a trilateral meeting with Trump and Putin—something that hadn't been mentioned or announced during the summit.
But he shouldn't expect Trump to fight for Ukraine's long-term future. On 11 August, Trump blamed Zelenskyy yet again for failing to stop the start of the war in 2022. For his part, Vice President JD Vance told European media on 10 August that Washington would no longer provide aid to Ukraine.
Despite falling out of Trump's good graces, Zelenskyy can still look to the Europeans for help. France, Germany, and Britain continue to insist that any final peace agreement must include guarantees for Ukraine's security, sovereignty and independence. And while the idea of European peacekeeping forces deploying to Ukraine is still being mulled in some European capitals, no concrete proposals have emerged.
Interestingly, earlier in August, Trump himself indicated he would back a force outside the NATO framework. That statement of support gives European states hope they can keep the Trump administration engaged on Ukraine over the longer term. To this end, Zelenskyy will depend on France, Germany, and Britain, especially to lobby the White House on his behalf.
French President Emmanuel Macron and U.S. President Donald Trump meet at the White House in Washington, DC, US, February 24, 2025.
Two factors are changing the war in favour of Russia. First, Ukraine never had enough soldiers, but the shortages are now becoming more severe. Second, Ukraine's comparative advantage in the use of drones is diminishing. Early in the war, Ukraine successfully used military drones to attack and defeat larger Russian forces. But in the last year, Russia's drone technology and tactics have significantly improved—in some cases, with Iranian assistance. Russia's larger infantry forces and better use of drones have enabled it to make slow, steady advances deeper into Ukrainian territory, although with many casualties.
Neither Zelenskyy nor the Europeans yet have a strategy to defeat Russia on the battlefield or end the war. The US role, therefore, becomes especially important. Many American experts and politicians from both political parties urge Trump to apply tougher sanctions on Russia and at least allow European countries to buy American weapons and technology to give to Ukraine, while the Trump administration tries to mediate an end to the war.
And although Trump appears willing to sell American weapons to European states to give to Ukraine, he doesn't seem keen on slapping new sanctions on Russia—but he is always hard to predict. In the end, there is a very real possibility that Trump will simply wash his hands of "the Ukraine problem", as he threatened to do last week if he could not make progress in Alaska. That will leave Zelenskyy and the Europeans in a precarious situation, facing a Russian military gaining more and more ground in Ukraine.
