Performative politics: Palestine recognition pledges ring hollow

The moves by France, the UK and other Western states appear to be more about appeasing domestic critics with symbolic gestures rather than a genuine attempt to change Israel's behaviour

Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer makes an address following an emergency cabinet meeting on Gaza at 10 Downing Street in London on July 29, 2025.
Toby Melville / AFP
Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer makes an address following an emergency cabinet meeting on Gaza at 10 Downing Street in London on July 29, 2025.

Performative politics: Palestine recognition pledges ring hollow

Almost 108 years after British troops first occupied Palestine, London appears on the brink of finally recognising a Palestinian state. After France pledged to formally recognise Palestine at the UN General Assembly in September, in frustration at Israel’s continued assaults in Gaza, UK Premier Keir Starmer pledged to follow suit unless Israel fulfilled an unlikely list of conditions that include a ceasefire and committing to a two-state solution.

In all likelihood, both Britain and France—the states that originally partitioned the Middle East after the First World War, contributing to the creation of Israel and Palestine’s dismemberment—will abandon their long-standing insistence that recognition can only come as part of a two-state solution.

While the move angered Israel and its supporters, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu alleging that it would reward Hamas, this action will likely have little impact. Britain and France have not demonstrated a willingness or an ability to rein in Israel's war on Gaza, and recognising Palestine appears more about appeasing domestic critics with symbolic gestures rather than a genuine attempt to change Israel's behaviour.

Domestic pressure

The immediate prompt for France and Britain’s declaration— which was quickly followed by Canada proposing the same— was the developing famine in Gaza. With neither Israel nor Hamas seemingly willing to make concessions on a ceasefire, London and Paris decided to pull the trigger on a move both have been mulling for some time. Given this is something that Netanyahu strongly opposes, Macron and Starmer hope their declarations will prompt a rethink to avoid Israel becoming a pariah that even long-standing allies shun.

But sceptics argue neither London nor Paris genuinely expects Netanyahu to change course. Instead, the primary motivation is to placate their own domestic critics. In Britain, over a third of MPs, half of whom are from Starmer’s Labour Party, have signed a letter demanding Britain recognise Palestine.

HENRY NICHOLLS / AFP
A protester waves a Palestinian flag at a "Lift The Ban" demonstration in support of the proscribed group Palestine Action, calling for the recently imposed ban to be lifted, in Parliament Square, central London, on August 9, 2025.

Labour supporters are even more disappointed in Starmer’s stance on Gaza, with the Economist reporting that 90% want him to criticise Israel more harshly. After winning a huge parliamentary majority in 2024, Starmer was initially willing to face down his critics on Palestine, but this summer, his authority has been weakened after a series of rebellions by his own MPs on welfare spending reforms. Now he may see a softer line on Palestine as a way to build bridges with MPs and activists.

Macron has received less criticism from his own party for his stance on Gaza, generally being quicker to question Israel than the UK, but like Starmer, he has critics in the wider public for not doing enough. Even more than Starmer, he faces domestic challenges, having seen his authority weakened after calling a snap election in 2024 in which his Ensemble party lost a third of their parliamentary seats. Macron may hope his boldness in recognising Palestine, making France the first G7 country to do so, will both placate domestic critics of Israel and allow him to play the international statesman to boost his popularity.

Performative politics?

But while recognising Palestine—if it comes—is a significant departure in rhetoric for Britain and France, will it make any difference on the ground? An overwhelming majority of UN member states (147 out of 193) already recognised the state of Palestine, and this has had no bearing on Israel’s approach towards Gaza.

Thomas COEX / AFP
Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez is applauded by MPs after delivering a speech to announce that Spain will recognise Palestine as a state on May 28 at the Congress of Deputies in Madrid on May 22, 2024.

In May 2024, Ireland, Spain and Norway declared that they recognised a Palestine comprising the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem in response to Israel’s war on Gaza, but this did not affect Netanyahu’s policies. Britain and France are bigger international players, but their fellow UN Security Council permanent members, Russia and China, already recognised Palestine long ago in 1988.

Paris and, especially, London, are holding out recognition as a game-changing action, but unless it comes alongside more serious punitive measures, it will not likely have much impact. The UK has taken some action against Israel in the past year, including cancelling free trade talks, suspending 30 arms licenses and sanctioning two ministers. France similarly has sanctioned some violent West Bank settlers. But this is all rather timid, and more serious punishments, like cancelling all arms sales (Britain has permitted 290 licenses to continue) or even deploying economic sanctions, have been dismissed.

Recognition is, of course, symbolically important for the cause of Palestinian statehood. Palestinian ambassador to the UN, Riyad Mansour, praised the move by London and Paris in a recent interview with al-Monitor. Though Israel has claimed it will boost Hamas, the group received no such boost when Ireland, Spain and Norway recognised Palestine in May, so the claim holds little water. It is just as likely that the move will boost moderates like Mansour, who can point to increased support from influential members of the international community.

Given the historic damage Britain and France have done to Palestine, they probably should have recognised it as a state a long time ago

Trump's dismissal

But both Britain and France have, of course, been supportive of Palestinian statehood, at least in theory, since the Oslo Process in the 1990s, attaching recognition as a condition of a successful two-state solution. With that now seeming a long way off, recognition has been repurposed as a diplomatic tool to pressure Israel while attempting to ward off domestic criticism. This exposes how impotent both actors have become: rather than recognition being withheld to help negotiate a peace agreement, it is instead added to a relatively blunt and ineffectual arsenal of tools trying to persuade Israel to desist.

Moreover, the real powerbroker, the US, recognises their general irrelevance. Soon after France's declaration, Donald Trump declared it, "doesn't carry any weight". He is likely right.

This is not to say that Britain and France shouldn't recognise Palestine. Given the historic damage London and Paris have done to the region, they probably should have taken this action long ago.

However, diplomats and supporters of the move must temper their expectations as it is unlikely to bring about either a swift end to the war in Gaza or accelerate the birth of a Palestinian state. Far more serious action is needed for this, and it is unclear whether either Britain or France is willing to or capable of taking such steps.

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