Syria's government needs to centralise decision-making and bring armed groups to heel, but Kurds in the north-east want to establish a 'coalition of the unwilling' with Druze and Alawites. What now?
In areas like Daraa and Sweida, local groups are elbowing their way into some of the smuggling voids left by Assad's army and pro-Iranian groups like Hezbollah. That means more to fight over.
For more than a century, Druze soldiers and politicians have made their mark on today's Syria. They are still writing their own history, as the recent Sweida violence shows.
This Druze-dominated city that has been the scene of fierce fighting in recent days may be a single governorate, but it is home to myriad armed groups with sometimes conflicting agendas.
The guns may have fallen silent but in Syria's Druze-dominated southern city, they have enforced the status quo. That is dangerous, since it fails to recognise that Syria has now fundamentally changed
Tel Aviv does not want a military power led by former Islamists on its doorstep, so is throwing a protective missile system around Syria's minorities, whether they want it or not. Will it backfire?
The issue of the Druze mountain predates the modern Syrian state itself, but has resurfaced following recent Israeli statements about their intent to "protect" Syria's Druze
Shaibani held several calls with the Mossad chief days before the strike, explaining why the airport's runway was being rehabilitated and that it had no hostile intentions, but Israel bombed it anyway
Ambassador Asim Iftikhar Ahmad speaks to Al Majalla about Islamabad's diplomatic role in the talks between the US and Iran, its balancing act between Tehran and Riyadh and the Mecca Pact
From Apple's chips to Nvidia's data centres, Israeli tech has embedded itself in the global tech ecosystem. This comes with grave national security implications.
Balancing the competing interests of regional and global stakeholders is no easy task. Can the president keep Syria from becoming an arena for regional conflict?