Palestine recognition is great. Now it's time for action.

The two-state solution is on life support. Israel's genocide in Gaza and its relentless building of settlements in the West Bank are actively destroying the viability of a Palestinian state.

Al Majalla

Palestine recognition is great. Now it's time for action.

This week is a landmark moment in the decades-old fight for a sovereign Palestinian state, as several of the world’s most powerful nations line up to recognise that long-held dream at the United Nations in New York, with announcements by France, the UK, Canada, and Australia (to name but a few) causing diplomatic waves.

It follows the second meeting of an international conference on the implementation of the two-state solution, held on 22 September. Initiated by France and Saudi Arabia, it was boycotted by the United States and Israel, but drew in dozens of other countries, several of whom used the week to finally recognise a State of Palestine.

This year's two-state conference—of which there seem to have been so many over the years—differed from its predecessors in that it did not merely reiterate well-worn diplomatic positions. Rather, as Israel’s war on Gaza continues, it served as a ‘now-or-never’ rallying cry for those who would like to see a Palestinian state, accelerating a wave of international recognition that is fundamentally altering the landscape of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Adrian DENNIS / AFP
People attend a Palestinian flag-raising ceremony outside the Palestine Mission to the UK, in west London, on September 22, 2025.

Building momentum

With each new nation that recognises the State of Palestine at the UN, the foundation underpinning the status quo (an Israeli state occupying Palestinian territory) grows less stable. At the last count, 156 states now back a Palestinian state, nearing the number of states (164) that recognise the State of Israel. The symbolism and strategic implications of this are huge, not least because this is now approaching an undeniable global consensus, the momentum for which is not being driven by fringe actors but by pivotal, historically significant powers.

Recognition by both France and the UK is important not just because they are permanent members of the UN Security Council and of the G7, but because they are the historic architects of the modern Middle East. The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 was a treaty between the British and the French dividing the Arab territories of the collapsing Ottoman Empire. Likewise, it was British Foreign Secretary Lord Balfour who, in 1917, promised Lord Rothschild that Zionists would have a ‘Jewish homeland’ in Palestine.

For the UK and France to formally recognise Palestine in 2025 is an act of profound historical correction and represents the first concrete step towards fulfilling the original intent of UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (1947), which called for the partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. It also means that four of the UN Security Council’s five permanent members now recognise it, leaving the United States isolated. How long will Washington resist the overwhelming weight of international opinion?

American public opinion has long been dominated by a staunchly pro-Israel narrative, but this is changing rapidly, as US audiences see the consequences of Israel’s conduct in Gaza. In the most recent polls, support for Israel is rapidly dropping—particularly with younger people. Likewise, there is a growing sympathy for the Palestinians and their quest for justice and self-determination.

Read more: Americans are tiring of Israel. Will US policy follow?

Alex Wong/ AFP
Activists protest near the US Capitol on July 24, 2024, in Washington, DC. Activists staged multiple demonstrations near the Capitol to protest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington and Israel's war on Gaza.

The horrific effects of Israel's war in Gaza have been a catalyst. While Israel has enjoyed bipartisan support in the corridors of power in Washington for decades, there are even signs that this may be changing, after 15 US Senators publicly called for a halt in American arms transfers to Israel, citing its continued military assault. While the signatories are still in a minority, the very idea that 15 Senators would publicly call for an arms embargo would have been unthinkable just two years ago.

Continued support for Israel's war in Gaza without Tel Aviv presenting a credible political horizon for the Palestinians is increasingly becoming a liability for US politicians, who find their pro-Israel positions ever more at odds with American public sentiment. This has given the international community encouragement that, at last, the tide may be turning.

Read more: Turning tides? Israel's allies are finally criticising its war on Gaza

Structured framework

Beyond recognition, the conference in New York yielded substantive proposals for action, albeit without a definitive timeline. French President Emmanuel Macron outlined a three-stage programme of action, offering a structured framework that moves beyond vague aspirations.

The first phase focuses on immediate de-escalation and trust-building. Its core demands include a halt to Israeli settlement expansion in the West Bank—a move deemed essential by the European Union to preserve the possibility of a contiguous state, while the Palestinian Authority (PA) must combat incitement and violence. To help it do so, Macron pledged more European financial and political support to strengthen PA institutions and establish the governance capacity needed for statehood. This stage also involves engaging regional powers, including those who normalised relations with Israel under the 2020 Abraham Accords, to leverage their influence for peace.

The international community's most immediate and moral duty is to bring the Israeli war machine to a decisive halt

The second stage centres on a "relaunched" political process, with a return to structured negotiations under international auspices, but with a crucial difference: they must be anchored in international law, allowing for a clear basis along agreed parameters as set out primarily in UN Security Council Resolutions 242, 338, and 1515, which endorse the 'land-for-peace' principle and a two-state solution.

It would also incorporate the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, which offers Israel full normalisation with the Arab world in exchange for a full withdrawal from occupied territories and a just solution for Palestinian refugees. The goal, as Macron insisted, must be a "viable" Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, side-by-side a safe and secure State of Israel, with recognised borders.

The third stage involves a robust international support system to guarantee its implementation. Macron proposed the involvement of the US, EU, and Arab nations to monitor compliance and offered European security guarantees for both Israel and Palestine. He proposed an international mission to monitor borders and ensure internal security, building on models like the EUBAM Rafah mission, coupled with a major international investment plan to give Palestine an economic future.

Laying the foundations

PA President Mahmoud Abbas, who will be 90 in November, used the conference to pledge a comprehensive reform agenda, focusing on strengthening governance, transparency, and the rule of law. This includes reforming the financial system and educational curricula to UNESCO standards within two years.

It's time to move beyond condemnation to concrete measures, starting with an arms embargo, as announced recently by Spain

A pivotal commitment was the establishment of a unified, internationally audited social welfare system, replacing previous contentious payment schemes. Abbas also promised presidential and parliamentary elections within one year of the war's end, and the drafting of a temporary constitution within three months to manage the transition from the PA to a Palestinian state.

The UN General Assembly—having granted Palestine 'non-member observer state' status—must continue to apply pressure, but the real test now lies with the Security Council, which will be asked to endorse an updated framework for peace, moving beyond preambular statements to operative clauses that explicitly mandate a two-state solution based on 1967 borders.

It will also be asked to establish an inclusive regional security system, convene the long-proposed international peace conference, and move beyond statements to tangible consequences, such as sanctioning Israeli officials and entities involved in settlement expansion. Doing so would be consistent with the Council's actions in other conflict zones.

Of utmost importance, the Council will be asked to authorise a tightly monitored mechanism whereby revenues from Israeli natural gas exports are placed in a UN escrow account to fund reconstruction in Gaza and compensate victims. Of course, the United States will veto all of this, but that should not deter members from tabling such proposals. This would serve to underscore the seriousness of the international community in fulfilling its commitment to the two-state solution. 

Threat of sanctions

There is no time to lose. Israel's genocide in Gaza and its relentless building of settlements in the West Bank are actively destroying the viability of a Palestinian state. The international community's most immediate and moral duty is to bring the Israeli war machine to a decisive halt. This requires moving beyond condemnation to concrete measures, starting with an arms embargo, as announced recently by Spain.

Halting the shipment of weapons or parts to Israel can then be followed up by denying Israeli vessels port access, or by denying Israeli military planes access to airspace. Some will baulk at an arms embargo, citing Israel's right to self-defence, but what the world sees in Gaza today goes far beyond protective actions, with Israeli leaders now talking openly of depopulating Gaza to allow for a "real estate bonanza".

Allowing this to happen is tantamount to burying the two-state solution. Likewise, in the West Bank, the international community must draw a red line against settlement expansion, particularly the revival of the E1 settlement bloc east of Jerusalem. This would sever the West Bank and encircle East Jerusalem, rendering a geographically viable Palestinian state impossible.

To stop it, the UN General Assembly could adopt a resolution outlining a menu of targeted measures, such as trade restrictions and embargoes on goods produced in illegal settlements, asset freezes, penalties for Israeli banks that finance settlement activity, sectoral sanctions targeting major Israeli arms manufacturers and settlement-linked companies, and cultural sanctions such as suspending Israel's participation in international events until it complies with international law.

The response to sanctions by the United States would likely have consequences for the already precarious UN budget; therefore, member states should protect the organisation by making up for the expected shortfall. While there may be much to lose, there is also much to gain.

The path to Palestinian statehood is now clearer than it has been in a generation, with widespread recognition, detailed plans, and promised reforms. But this path is being washed away in real-time by bloodshed and falling concrete. Will the international community match its declarations with the courage to act? The two-state solution is on life support. Only decisive, immediate intervention can save it.

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