Tehran's web of alliances and influence spun through the Middle East was supposed to counter Israel and the US in the region. Instead, Tel Aviv looks stronger as the axis falls apart.

By building rival power centres, systematically isolating and weakening the brigade, then applying pressure at the right moment, al-Sharaa rid himself of a prominent rival in Syria's south.

Half a century after fighting erupted, there is a depressing dearth of genuine apologies. At least this helps explain the disheartening array of familiarities.

With numbers so staggering and stories so harrowing, we can't say we don't know what's happening. More needs to be done to address what has become 'the world's largest displacement crisis'.

The US president is dealing with a much weaker Iran after Israel dealt a series of crippling blows to its regional proxies. As such, he has given it an ultimatum to ditch its nuclear programme.

Although Tehran should understand by now that its hand is weak, it remains to be seen whether it can give up its fantasy of empire. Talks in Oman will be telling.

The ambiguity of the agreement may work in Aleppo, where external interference is negligible, but it is unlikely to hold in the northeast or Sweida

The two sides will meet this Saturday in Oman for talks, but the US president's track record of not following up threats with actions will not be lost on Tehran

In Cairo's view, it would be more helpful if Washington focused on ending the war in Gaza rather than starting a new one in Yemen

If past trauma is not addressed, old wounds will continue to fester, and Syria will never heal

Tel Aviv wants a weak Syria, whereas Ankara is working to strengthen Damascus and build a cohesive national army. With such diametrically opposed strategies, a clash between the two seems inevitable.

In modern Arab history, there have been widely different views on the role of religion in governance. Western history offers valuable lessons on which model works best.