AFRICOM changes show US policy shift on the continent

General Anderson's appointment is being seen as a shift from a diplomatic, partnership-based approach to one that is operational and intelligence-led. In other words, from soft power to hard power.

Eduardo Ramon

AFRICOM changes show US policy shift on the continent

US policy on Africa appears to be in flux because Washington’s overall strategy for the continent is currently being reformed. Integral to this strategy is AFRICOM. Formed in 2007-08, it covers all of Africa, with the exception of Egypt, and its purpose is partly political, since it is used to maintain US influence by fostering trust with African nations. This is done by means of joint projects and military assistance, including programmes in education, medical aid, epidemic control, infrastructure development, disaster response, and humanitarian logistics.

To some, the emphasis on ‘soft power’ and humanitarian diplomacy means that AFRICOM’s commander is more akin to a minister without portfolio, as it is a unified regional command without its own operational forces. Furthermore, AFRICOM’s direct military achievements have been modest, and there have been some embarrassing setbacks, such as when four American commandos were killed in an ambush at Tongo-Tongo in Niger in 2017. The recent de facto expulsion of any US military presence in Niger and Chad was emblematic of the situation.

Keen to cut costs, the Trump administration has already wound down USAID’s humanitarian programmes, so AFRICOM may have been expected to bear the brunt.

But the president’s penchant for minerals means that he is paying more attention to Africa than many of his predecessors, seeking trade deals by promising security from separatists and Islamists. Some of this security will require a combat response of the kind that Russia has offered African states in recent years.

If US policy on Africa appears to be in flux, it is because Washington's overall strategy for the continent is currently being reformed

A statement of intent could be inferred from the signing of a peace agreement between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda in Washington, where the Trump administration also hosted a mini summit of leaders along Africa's Atlantic coast. With slogans such as "trade not aid", the thrust of Trump's approach is to secure resources for American industry in return for security guarantees. As a result, a restructured AFRICOM may need its own military arm.

From soft to hard

Gen. Anderson, who took over from Gen. Langley on 15 August, has extensive experience in aerial reconnaissance, special operations, and integrated air missions, so his appointment is being interpreted as a shift in AFRICOM's strategic focus: from a diplomatic, partnership-based approach to one that is operational and intelligence-led. In other words, one that shifts from soft power to hard power.

In Stuttgart, Navy Admiral Christopher Grady, the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, described the military challenges in Africa. "The theatre is a nexus where global competitors test our resolve, where violent extremist organisations seek sanctuary and where instability ripples far beyond the continent," he said.

How might AFRICOM change? Some suggest the formation of mobile rapid-reaction forces capable of intervening swiftly in hotspots across the continent, including to protect critical infrastructure and strategic resources, using aerial reconnaissance, drones, and satellite data to monitor armed groups. This would run alongside a precision strike capability, employed when allies or vital assets are threatened.

AFP
Inspector General of the Royal Moroccan Armed Forces and Commander of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) General Michael Langley (CR) on the Moroccan-US military exercises "African Lion 2024".

Morocco is a key US partner in Africa, with relations dating back to the Casablanca Conference of 1943. One of the continent's most stable states, the Kingdom is close to Europe, North Africa, and the Sahel, and has well-developed infrastructure and logistics, including modern ports and airports.

US-Morocco military cooperation is well developed. Morocco hosted the first major American base in Africa (Naval Air Station Port Lyautey), which served as an advanced landing ground in World War II, and the continent's largest annual exercise—African Lion—has been held on Moroccan soil for 25 years. Later this year, a joint Centre of Excellence for Peacekeeping is due to open in the Moroccan capital, Rabat, further cementing relations.

Kenitra, in north-western Morocco, has been floated as a possible new home to AFRICOM's new headquarters because this is where the US base was located until 1977, when Washington handed control of its Naval Air Station to the Royal Moroccan Air Force.

Trump's penchant for minerals means that he is paying more attention to Africa than many of his predecessors, seeking trade deals by promising security

US policy in flux 

Yet some wonder whether it will happen, given that plans to move AFRICOM to Morocco have been aired before. While many see sense in the move, a combination of logistical, budgetary, and political constraints makes a full relocation to Morocco unlikely in the short term, especially given that Washington's Africa strategy is still evolving.

As things stand, the 'step-by-step intensification' strategy seems the most optimal, combining a strategic centre in Europe with a robust forward element in Morocco. This minimises costs and political risk while enhancing operational flexibility and preserving transatlantic ties and NATO integration. It also effectively balances the growing focus on Africa with real improvements in operational efficiency on the continent, considering regional polarisation and the negative reactions from Algeria and parts of the African Union.

The revamped AFRICOM can implement a comprehensive range of initiatives, but it needs transparent mandates, clear deployment parameters, and expanded humanitarian and civil components. This is where partners can help, not least in assessing the risks involved with the continent's various conflicts, while AFRICOM focuses on the establishment of rapid deployment headquarters and operational groups, permanent training facilities, and improved communication, cybersecurity, medical evacuation, and maritime logistics.

Another vital aspect of the strategy is addressing interoperability issues, such as by developing standards, facilitating data exchange, and conducting joint planning with African and European partners. None of this can be done quickly. Will the investment be made? During this transitional period, the answers will emerge, as will US strategy in Africa.

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