Is Israel biting off more than it can chew?

Netanyahu's quest for regional domination is now being pursued without thought to the diplomatic costs, including Israel's relationship with the US. Will this threaten its long-term survivability?

Michelle Thompson

Is Israel biting off more than it can chew?

Warring states have long applied military pressure to force a better deal in negotiations. The government of Israel, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, appears to have taken a different approach, choosing not only to bomb Hamas in Gaza but to bomb the group's negotiators, as it did in Qatar on 9 September.

The Doha bombing undermined the hostage negotiations and led to a deterioration in relations not just with Qatar as a mediator, but with the United States as an ally, inviting global isolation by violating international law. Netanyahu will not care, because his broader aim is to establish a ‘Greater Israel’.

Recent Israeli military actions across Iran, Yemen, Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza demonstrate not merely a narrowing of negotiating possibilities with Israel’s adversaries, but rather an attempt to eliminate negotiating partners entirely. Indeed, Netanyahu’s intentions were well illustrated by the targeting of Hamas’s delegation in Qatar—a mediating state—without adequate prior consultation with the United States.

Naturally, Israel incurred not only Qatar’s wrath but also that of US President Donald Trump, who has always been supportive of Israel. To some, Netanyahu’s quest for military victory is now being pursued without thought to the diplomatic costs, including its relationship with the US, its chief ally. This is a high-risk gamble that could precipitate the collapse of his government.

Netanyahu must have calculated the risk when he ordered eight F-15 and four F-35 fighter jets to attack Hamas's political leadership in Doha, who had gathered to discuss a US-proposed ceasefire plan.

Reuters
A damaged building following an Israeli attack on Hamas leaders, in Doha, Qatar, September 9, 2025.

But the operation was a tactical failure. The Hamas leaders—including top figure Khalil al-Hayya—survived, even though a 22-year-old Qatari security officer and five lower-level Hamas members were killed, including al-Hayya’s son.

It also caused a diplomatic mess. Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani looked bewildered during a CNN interview regarding Israel’s actions, calling it “state terror” that had “crushed any hope of hostage liberation”. Netanyahu had said that Hamas officials in Qatar should be “eliminated or prosecuted”. Al-Thani said that it was Netanyahu who should be prosecuted, urged Arab states to consider a “regional response,” and explained that by bombing the mediation venue, Israel was putting the whole mediation process at risk.

Netanyahu said the attack was “an attempted assassination of terrorist leaders” and described it as an “unavoidable action for national security,” adding: “If they (the Hamas leaders) remain alive, they shall not escape next time.” Will there be a next time? President Trump said he was “very unhappy about it, unhappy about every aspect,” expressing his dissatisfaction with Israel and vowing it will never happen again. But one wonders what he said to Netanyahu in private. Indeed, the Israeli premier publicly stated he would attack again, even after Trump's public promise.

In what amounted to a rebuke, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said: “Unilateral attacks in Qatar, a sovereign nation and close ally taking risks to bring peace, do not advance American and Israeli goals.”

According to US reports, Israel notified the US military about the Doha attack only minutes before the operation, and initially failed to provide details of its targets. The US then detected missile launches and trajectories from thermal signals seen by America’s infrared satellite systems, confirming Doha as the target.

Successive Israeli governments have preserved their negotiating possibilities, something that doesn't seem to interest Netanyahu

Loss of trust

Qatar has been a key mediating nation since Israel was attacked in October 2023, helping to facilitate deals in which hostages were released. Israel's bombing of Doha, however, has led to a significant loss of trust. One suspects that there may also have been a loss of trust between Trump and Netanyahu if the latter had proceeded without gaining the former's approval.

The UN Security Council, with US understanding, condemned Israel's actions through press statements on 11 September, while regional nations—including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt—lined up to support Qatar and criticise Israel. The UAE's criticism was of particular note, given that it normalised relations with Israel in 2020 through the Abraham Accords. Given the solidarity on display, Israeli hopes of expanding the Abraham Accords throughout the Gulf region look increasingly unlikely.

According to the Prussian General and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz, war is a continuation of politics by other means". In other words, when negotiations break down, military conflict can be seen as just a more aggressive form of communication to achieve the aggressor's political goals. In 1967, Israel strengthened its negotiating hand with a comprehensive military victory. In 1973, it suffered military difficulties but ultimately made a lasting peace with Egypt. In 1982, its invasion of Lebanon and siege of Beirut led to the expulsion of Palestinian fighters.

In all cases, war led to negotiation, compromise, and the achievement of goals, often improving Israel's position as a result. Menachem Begin, the hardline founder of Netanyahu's Likud Party, accepted mutual compromise in the 1979 Egyptian peace treaty. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, a hero of the 1967 and 1982 wars, opted for a strategic withdrawal of Israeli settlers from Gaza in 2005. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak promoted an Israeli military withdrawal from southern Lebanon and negotiated with the Palestinians. For him, military action was conducted to "readjust negotiating frameworks".

AFP
Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, and US President Jimmy Carter sign the Camp David Accords at the White House, September 17, 1978

Successive Israeli governments, however hardline, have preserved their negotiating possibilities, whether Begin with Egypt; Sharon over Gaza, Barak over Lebanon or with the Palestinians, all employed military action as pressure to strengthen Israel's hand in negotiations. Yet none ever sought to eliminate their enemies, which amounts to eliminating the negotiation process.

Netanyahu's recent military actions share some common characteristics, not least that they have all targeted prominent individuals and leaders, whether in Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, or Iran. Even when mediation appears to be in full swing, assassination efforts are planned. This undermines the legitimacy of the negotiation process.

Traditional realism presupposes power balance adjustments, but Netanyahu's goal appears not to focus on balances but on Israel's unilateral determination of the rules. Rather than using military force to weaken enemies' negotiating positions, the aim appears now to be the complete annihilation of adversaries. This strategy undermines realist rationality, opting instead to close off all possibilities for negotiation.

US academics such as John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt have repeatedly warned that Netanyahu's strategy damages Israel's long-term survivability. For Walt, "part of the realist criticism regarding the Gaza war stems from a good understanding of military force limitations and nationalism's importance".

Long-term risks include conflict perpetuation, regional destabilisation, and international isolation, but Israel is ploughing on regardless

Meir Ben-Shabbat, who was once Netanyahu's National Security Advisor, wrote in Foreign Affairs that Israel had now abandoned its old security strategy that was "previously limited to minimal actions to eliminate threats and restore calm". Instead, he said it "now aims not merely to weaken enemies but to defeat them completely," adding: "Israeli leaders are enthusiastic about actively forming a new order using their nation's military power to protect national interests."

Long-term risks

The long-term risks of this include conflict perpetuation, regional destabilisation, and international isolation, but Israel is ploughing on regardless, as evidenced in its ongoing Gaza City military invasion and the international opprobrium that it has elicited. There is criticism within Israel, too. If reports are to be believed, Israel's Mossad foreign intelligence service opposed the Doha attack.

The political context of Netanyahu's strategic shift is the ascendancy of religious Zionism and far-right ultra-nationalist forces in Israel. Many of Netanyahu's ministers are settlers who are firmly against Palestinian statehood. Their aim is, in fact, a 'Greater Israel' that incorporates the land of others, regardless of sacrifice. Last month, in a domestic media interview, Netanyahu revealed his own strong affinity for this concept. 

ABIR SULTAN / AFP
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks in front of a map of the Middle East during a press conference at the Government Press Office (GPO) in Jerusalem on September 4, 2024.

Read more: Time to worry? Netanyahu says he 'connects' to a Greater Israel

Once a state that prioritised democratic nationalist principles, Israel now increasingly prioritises religious principles, privileging Jews over non-Jews. Hostage families have criticised Netanyahu's support for this Greater Israel ideology and for prioritising his own political survival at the expense of their loved ones. But for a man who does not seem to care about upsetting Arab states, European states, or even the United States, a few disgruntled hostage families are unlikely to keep him awake at night.

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