Syrian commander: We infiltrated Assad’s army command on Day One

Expanding, he said: "On the very first day of action, we operated behind their lines with a special unit. Through intelligence and infiltration, we got our fighters right into their operations room to eliminate the commanders. Fortunately for us, they were all in one meeting. Everyone was in attendance. That special mission was the green light. Once it succeeded, the offensive began, the regime collapsed, and everything fell apart."

Asked where he was, he said: "We were in a camouflaged location. The forward field rooms for the military units were inside caves, while the central command room was behind the lines in a neutralised civilian flat that we only just took over, it was not previously known. We camouflaged that flat—there were no civilians around—and entered as civilians."

Breaching enemy lines

Al-Dalati recalled that "we overran all the regime's defences and rear lines and deployed a mobile elite force in this axis. One force executed the liberation; another was on standby. We threw them in to start work on the regime's third rear line on the other axes to the south."

The resistance breached al-Assad's front line near SDF-controlled Kurdish areas, said al-Dalati, because here, the regime had little by way of fortifications and reinforcements. "We were behind the lines, attacking them from the rear," he said. "We liberated those areas and continued south. We eliminated the regime's artillery system on the rear line, leaving them unable to use it. 

On the ease with which they breached the army's lines, he said: "That was unexpected. It had taken no precautions. It focused its forces on the positions we had deliberately leaked as our entry-point," that being Saraqib in the south.

Al-Dalati said: "We actually began from north of Basratun, near Qabtan al-Jabal, which borders the area controlled by the (Kurdish) Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The regime discounted that area (as an option) for multiple reasons, including this factor. The terrain was rough. The operation succeeded in striking the operations room… while the regime's forces on the border had no leadership directing them."

He said: "We entered from Qabtan al-Jabal towards Ayn Jara and As-Sallum, then opened the axis of the 111th Regiment towards Bala Farms and As-Sallum on the Mansoura Road from two directions. We started at 7:20 am. By noon, the entire mission was accomplished. We had breached an area 9-10km deep and 8-9km wide. We found ourselves behind their lines."

Big versus agile

He said: "There was no leadership or command. They were being hit from behind and could no longer tell friend from foe. We had complete monitoring and control over a large force, with live feeds delivered via reconnaissance aircraft to the field operations room and the central command room. Our fighters carried GPS devices, so we knew precisely where each one moved. These are advanced capabilities."

The resistance fighters were up against the 30th Republican Guard Division, more than 10,000 men plus auxiliary and supporting forces, he said. "Their area of control stretched from Tal Rifaat to Saraqib. Our groups were small, flexible, and quick. We gave them motorbikes and the armoured vehicles that we manufactured, so their movement was rapid and highly adaptable. The regime collapsed in that area. 

"We entered the 46th Regiment from multiple directions. Our Shaheen aircraft (drones) began targeting its artillery positions. In parallel, from the very first moment, we targeted the operations rooms and signal stations (with drones). It was a pre-emptive strike."

Al-Dalati confirmed that "Iranian-backed militias were present on every frontline, and the party's fighters (Hezbollah) were at certain points," adding: "Other Iran-backed militias—whether Syrian, Afghan, or otherwise—were there as well. But they lost their motivation to fight when they saw how the regime was behaving. The regime's troops are ethically deplorable. They are criminals."

Liberators of Aleppo

He said they reassessed after each stage. Once one advance was achieved, they decided on their next move. "On the first day, we wrapped up the western countryside. The next morning, we launched attacks on Aleppo from five axes. We breached one, Mansoura, so pulled fighters from other axes and pushed them into the breach to enter the Aleppo countryside." It was their first time back since 2011, he said. 

"On Wednesday, we seized the 46th Regiment and proceeded towards Urum and Kafr Naha, finishing the job overnight. The next morning, Thursday, we began entering Aleppo and had fully taken control (of the city) by Friday." Once there, they knew what to do. "There was a media plan, a political plan, and a services plan. Every institution had its own plan." These were activated when their fighters entered Aleppo.

He said they wanted to "present as liberators, through our conduct and behaviour… no abuses or violations against civilians, especially from other sects, no reprisals or destruction or looting. We provided services immediately to make people realise that we are not a gang, nor individuals with no vision of what we are doing. After entering Aleppo, our military force withdrew the following day (Saturday), and institutions took over. People saw that on the ground."

It had taken just two days for them to take Aleppo. "It exceeded our expectations," he said. "Personally, I thought it would take about ten days, while others thought it would take a month. These were the assessments, but the regime ended up collapsing. After Aleppo, we intended to head to the southern Idlib countryside first, then Saraqib, Khan Shaykhun, and Maarrat al-Nu'man. The following day, we opened a 100km frontline, dispersing all the regime's firepower."

Onwards to Hama

The regime mobilised its forces for the decisive battle in Hama, one of Syria's four largest cities (together with Damascus, Aleppo, and Homs). On the third day of the battle, the regime tried to fortify its positions and deploy additional troops.

"It dispatched the commander of Unit 25, Suhail al-Hassan, and attempted to deploy (Russian) Wagner forces as well as the Iraqi Mobilisation Forces," said al-Dalati. Suhail al-Hassan "made significant efforts," he said, but ultimately the battle ended because the army collapsed. 

The resistance fighters entered Hama from multiple directions—via Zain al-Abidin, Suran, and Halfaya, said al-Dalati. "Though there was resistance at locations such as Khattab, the Khattab barracks, and the town itself, we consistently had alternatives and options. Our ability to manoeuvre was vast, allowing us to expand on multiple fronts with considerable speed and flexibility."
 
There was fighting around Zain al-Abidin Mountain, he said, but the army's flanks collapsed due to resistance advances on both the eastern and western axes. "Syrians in liberated areas experienced a significant boost in morale," said al-Dalati. "Hama became a crucial stronghold for the revolution. People began to engage with us. We deployed cells and maintained contact with those who had revolutionary backgrounds and remained loyal to the cause."

All the while, those now in control of Hama were in contact with resistance fighters from Daraa and Suweida in the south. "We had a well-coordinated plan. We were in constant contact with them to determine when and how to proceed. Efforts were being carefully arranged. There was a great deal of interaction, particularly with the people of Homs, Rusta, and Talbiseh."
 
By the time they fought for Hama, al-Dalati said al-Assad was "no longer capable, militarily". All the momentum was with the resistance. "Given our high morale and speed of movements, we left him no opportunity to rest or position his forces." 

Offering reassurances

"The decisive factor was the remarkable boost in morale among both the fighters and the residents—not only in the liberated areas but also in those still under the regime's control. This was inspired by Aleppo."

Al-Dalati recalled a fearful population in the city, just as he had done in Aleppo. "I found people terrified, unsure of who we were," he said, of his entry into Aleppo. "I saw the fear in their faces during the noon call to prayer. After entering to pray, I noticed people gathering, so I asked them to stay and speak with me. We began to reassure them. Gradually, they started to realise that they had indeed achieved victory." 

Meanwhile, the Department of Political Affairs had started issuing statements directed at neighbouring states and local communities. These had already been prepared, as had a media plan to convey certain messages. "As the situation progressed, those words no longer fit the context, so we had to modify the phrasing," al-Dalati explained. "But the underlying ideas remained clear." 

These included giving reassurance to Syria's various sects, including Bashar al-Assad's Alawite sect, and sending clear messages to regime allies like Russia, Iran, and Iraq. "We ensured that the political track played its role by neutralising tensions, reassuring people, and seeking solutions with the key local factions.

"Our goal was to avoid serving the regime by presenting a zero-sum narrative to its supporters and allies. If they saw our victory as inevitable, they would see it as an existential threat. We emphasised that our victory did not pose a threat to any group or sect, or to those who had aligned themselves with the regime. Had we not, the regime would have rallied its supporters, but thanks to this approach, we neutralised it." 

Get to Damascus quickly

International meetings were being hastily arranged, some requested by al-Assad. "After we entered Aleppo but before we entered Hama, an emergency Arab Summit was called, in addition to the UN Security Council meeting and the Doha meeting," said al-Dalati. "We had a clear objective: reach Damascus as quickly as possible."

They opened several fronts east of Hama, advancing towards Badia and Homs along multiple routes. "The Russian bombing began with Homs, but Russia was not prepared. Their situation was difficult. We worked strategically to neutralise them politically. We informed them that it was in their interest that the regime fell and emphasised that their interests should align with those of Syria, not with those of Assad."

Although he has no proof, al-Dalati believes that Russia was "evaluating our actions," adding: "I assume they were aware of our conduct. Our political behaviour and actions on the ground would lead a country like Russia, or any other nation, to appreciate, respect, and seek opportunities for engagement with us."

In Doha, the foreign ministers of Russia and Iran expressed shock at the Syrian army's lack of engagement, saying if Assad's soldiers would not fight for Syria, nor would they. "The truth is, the Syrian army collapsed in 2012," said al-Dalati. "It was saved by external intervention. Now, with (allies') withdrawal, it collapsed again."

 Events bred confidence among the resistance, he said. "When Aleppo fell, we saw ourselves on the path to Damascus. We were certain of our course. We had a plan, and it was only a matter of days before the regime collapsed." As if to demonstrate the point, Syria's defence minister had to issue a statement instructing military personnel not to withdraw. 

A friendless army dissolves

"From the beginning, we were in contact with several army officers," recalled al-Dalati. "As it collapsed, dozens of officers reached out to us. They had not defected but offered to cooperate with us in Damascus, Daraa, and other areas."
 
He said the army was "composed of various factions with conflicting loyalties" and "no central decision-making authority… even the security services are divided by multiple allegiances... Put yourself in their position: no Russian air support, no Iranian military assistance on the ground, threats from Israel… they were in an extremely difficult situation."
 
Suddenly vulnerable, Bashar al-Assad fled in secret. "I entered Damascus on 8 December around 1pm. I had not visited Damascus since (2011). We descended with great strength and, praise be to God, we humbled ourselves in gratitude. We entered Fayhaa Hall with a large security force, 300-400 members. The first action was to deploy security personnel across state institutions and security branches."
 
Resistance fighters were arriving in waves from different directions. "It was an indescribable feeling," said al-Dalati. "I cried. I cried on the road before I even reached the Levant. What happened was a divine response to all the suffering of the Syrian people, to every tear shed by a child and every cry from a woman who lost her son, husband, brother. 

"This was God's judgment on the darkness and the criminals. We undoubtedly made sacrifices and endured much hardship, but in financial terms, it meant nothing compared to the regime. We truly felt God's help. We felt many subtle signs and were certain that God was with us in every detail.
 
"For example, our military commanders had a plan to bypass a minefield, but they could not execute it because the mechanism designed to disable the mines malfunctioned, so they had to navigate through the minefield along the main axis, yet miraculously, the mines did not explode."

From fighting to governing

On Syria's future, al-Dalati said: "This is a new experience for us as Syrians and Arabs. We face a tremendous challenge. Syria was governed by an increasingly criminal regime… it crushed the Syrian people, eroded their sense of identity, their psyche, ambitions, and hopes. It forced them to live under tyranny and in poverty. This brought out the worst in people, shaping a society with deeply negative social traits."

He described the scale of corruption as "vast… so entrenched that it is like a cancerous mass, a malignant growth". The so-called 'mafia' gangs within the regime had their own rules, structure, and operations, their own form of criminality. "None were governed by any coherent order. This has created very complex problems that are difficult to untangle and understand. We Syrians face significant challenges ahead."
 
The most important of those challenges is to rebuild Syria and the Levant, he said, to "restore the dignity of this ancient region... Our goal is to return it to its rightful role among the most advanced nations, characterised by progress, civilisation, decent living, freedom, knowledge, and peace."

"Bashar al-Assad's Syria was severed from its Arab roots and sold cheaply to Iran. It became estranged from its surroundings, becoming a source of problems, crises, and instability in the Arab world, symbolising drugs, terror, ignorance, and poverty. 

"We aim to restore Syria as a symbol of peace in the region, a beacon of sophistication and civilisation, as it truly deserves. Everything after Bashar will be easier. The real challenges lie in our ability to unite, heal, and truly understand each other." 

Creating a Syria for all

Al-Dalati is aware of the need to be inclusive. "We must build a political system that genuinely represents us, guarantees the rights of all, ensures everyone fulfils their duties equally, and allows for the exercise of all political, social, and religious rights," he said.

 "That is what we want, what we aspire to. The challenge lies in realising this vision. Through freedom and dialogue, we will create opportunities for people to meet, understand one another, and agree on a formula to govern our country effectively."
 
Some Syrians do not share that view, he admits, including those with separatist ambitions and those supported by countries' with their own agendas. Islamic State (IS) also remains active, perhaps even under the encouragement of foreign actors. "After 60 years of tyranny, we need time to establish solid foundations," said al-Dalati.

"Barely a month has passed. The priority is to maintain security, because state systems have collapsed and weapons are widely scattered." The new leaders also need to provide essential services and meet basic needs such as bread, water, sanitation, and electricity. "Through cooperation, Syrians have begun to showcase models of solidarity, as is their nature."
 
No date has yet been set for Syria's National Convention, which al-Dalati said "will officially dismantle the pillars of the Assad regime" and establish a transitional phase at both the legal and constitutional level, paving the way for a new constitution.

This is an emergency, not a time for internal power competitions, he said. "There is a tremendous responsibility on anyone who assumes leadership." Al-Dalati said he had been back home to Kafr al-Zayt briefly, but has mainly been in major cities like Damascus and Hama "due to the demanding nature of our tasks". In amongst it all, he has made a point of honouring the young fighters who reclaimed the country.

"I urge Syrians to be patient with one another and to support each other," he said. "They should not allow grievances to fester or withhold help. We must not allow Syria to be exploited again. Syrians are strongest when united. In this way, Syria's future will serve the best interests of all Syrians."