My emotional trip back to Damascus

Entering the 'new Syria'

Upon entering the "new Syria", we stood for a symbolic photo under the Revolution's flag, raised over the remnants of a discarded image of the Assads at the first border gate. From there, the driver eagerly pointed out key landmarks: a destroyed checkpoint of the Fourth Division once commanded by Maher al-Assad, a checkpoint associated with a prominent trader linked to Asma al-Assad, and another inspection point where an abandoned burned tank and scanning device stood.

As we approached Damascus on the wide, sloping road, we came across a checkpoint manned by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). The driver cheerfully remarked, "Everything has changed. These young men are kind and welcoming, completely different from the ones you encountered when you left the country in May 2012."

We passed through the first tunnel. To the right was the Mezzeh Military Airport, while on the left stood the National Security Office and locations previously targeted by Israeli strikes on Iranian and Hezbollah interests. Between these landmarks, the Mezzeh Highway threaded its way into the heart of Damascus. A little further along, we reached the Iranian Consulate that Israel had targeted last April—a charred image of Qasem Soleimani still adorned the facade.

We arrived at the hotel, dropped off our belongings, and hurried to Umayyad Square—a powerful symbol of the revolution. We took a minute to take in the moment, then roamed through the streets of our city and reunited with friends. Days and nights blurred together, full of endless conversations and emotions.

I spent a week in my city, meeting political and military officials from the new administration, visiting Al-Rawda Café to reconnect with friends and intellectuals, and revisiting sites like Sednaya Prison and the Military Investigation Branch, where I had once been held in solitary confinement. 

I wandered through the streets, browsed the shops, visited the Umayyad Mosque, and explored both old and modern Damascus. These are some of my observations:

Worn and torn

My first impression of Damascus was profoundly striking—it felt as though I had left only yesterday. The city appeared frozen in time—its buildings aged, neglected, and untouched by any restoration or renewal. Some structures had fallen into decay, while others remained stagnant, showing no signs of rejuvenation. Beggars filled the narrow alleys, and darkness, cold, and gloom enshrouded the city day and night." The city remains largely unchanged, but it is now free of al-Assad's portraits and the oppressive shadow of his regime.

A vanished regime

I know this city intimately, having grown familiar with it over the years. I first arrived as a university student and later built my career here. The regime was once omnipresent, woven into the fabric of daily life—visible in the streets, on phones, in television and newspapers, through guards, workers, the army, security forces, universities, workplaces, cafés, lecture halls, bus seats, and even cars. Its presence was everywhere, permeating and dominating life for decades. Now, the city endures, but the regime has vanished. 

During my visit, I had the opportunity to explore prisons and review files. There is a file for everyone—whether loyalist or in the opposition. All that once symbolised the regime's power and control has been reduced to mere archives. 

Euphoria and growing impatience

There is a palpable sense of joy at the collapse of the regime and the culture of fear. However, expectations are high, and patience is wearing thin. The grace period is rapidly shrinking. The initial euphoria has subsided, and the people want the new government to deliver.

Food and goods like diesel and gas are accessible, and a sense of security prevails. Yet, electricity remains scarce, and salaries have yet to reach employees. People are growing increasingly impatient for economic improvement. Critical voices are becoming louder, with many having grown accustomed to protesting, criticising, and resisting.

Focus on security

Remarkably, the regime's fall did not result in a bloodbath. In just 11 days, al-Assad was overthrown, sending shockwaves through the Middle East. What transpired exceeded even the best-case scenarios for his removal. Now, the focus is on ensuring security and stability.

Preserving state institutions—apart from the military and security forces—is a significant achievement. However, questions remain about the capability of these institutions' performance and the competency of their personnel.

Idlib: The new Qardaha?

Idlib's people and dialect have become widespread, permeating government, administrative and security institutions, so much so that the running joke is that 'Idlibians' are the 'new Alawites' and that Idlib has become the 'new Qardaha'—a nod to the Assad family's hometown.

The new administration and government have governed Idlib since 2017 and are acutely aware of these sensitivities. As one leader told me repeatedly, "Damascus cannot be governed the same way Idlib was."

Military challenges

There are significant challenges in establishing a new army. Defence Minister Marhaf Abu Qusra has been in dialogue with faction leaders, formulating a plan to dissolve the existing factions and build a professional army fundamentally different from its predecessor. The primary challenge lies in unifying these armed groups and persuading their leaders to shift from a factional mindset to one centred on the state and a cohesive national military.

While some foresee clashes on the road to unifying the armed factions, a senior military official overseeing the formation of the new army affirmed: "We will not miss any opportunity to reach an agreement through negotiations. We will keep negotiating." 

Additionally, the fate of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northeastern Syria remains uncertain, shaped by the influence of Turkey and the United States. Direct negotiations have yet to yield a breakthrough, prompting the need for mediation.

Civil society revival

The new administration is heavily focused on external political communications, implementing internal military and security reforms, and holding meetings with local and expatriate business leaders. At the same time, a vibrant cultural and civil movement is emerging in venues like Al-Rawda Café and similar forums.  However, these parallel paths—administrative reform and cultural engagement—have yet to intersect. So far, no intellectual, cultural, or political dialogues have occurred between the administration and politicians, intellectuals, or civil activists.

Cautious optimism

These are some off-the-cuff impressions. However, despite the many challenges and pressing questions, I am cautiously optimistic for two reasons. For the first time in a long time, Syrians finally feel they have control over their future. As one intellectual remarked, "We have a historic opportunity to rebuild Syria, and we must give it everything we've got."

The second is that, unlike the previous regime, the new administration has so far been responsive to public demands and willing to adapt quickly. For example, advocacy for women led to the appointment of women in high-ranking positions.

Criticism of the National Dialogue Conference prompted several postponements—from 29 December to 4 January, then to 30 January, 15 February, and now to the end of the month. As one official stated, "The conference will only be held when all conditions for its success are met."

There is widespread consensus—both at home and abroad—to seize the moment and make sure it does not turn into a missed opportunity. No room can be given to those who stand in the way of Syria's success—both at home and abroad.