Trump may need to pivot to a different Middle East

Four years is a long time in this region, and the approach that worked during his first term may not work during his second. Trump will need to be at his deal-making best.

Trump may need to pivot to a different Middle East

Donald Trump’s election victory earlier this month surpassed even the loftiest of Republican expectations. With the last votes still being counted at the time of writing, the party looks highly likely to have a rare ‘trifecta’, meaning control of the presidency, the Senate, and the House of Representatives.

With most of America’s nine most senior judges now conservative (three of whom Trump appointed during his first term), Republicans can be said to control all three branches of government: the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary.

Trump’s first term was noteworthy for several reasons, not least his style of governance, which was chaotic at times, but over four years the world became well acquainted with his positions on key domestic and foreign issues.

Four years after leaving office, there are hints of subtle shifts in both his personality and his priorities (possibly influenced by the assassination attempt and rumours of further plots), but few can claim to fully understand what a second Trump term will look like. Clues are sought from his ongoing appointments.

Until his inauguration on 20 January, as the Biden administration’s influence wanes and Trump’s grows, there will be shifts seen on various foreign policy fronts. Those shifts are necessary, because the world Trump re-enters as president in 2025 is not the same as when he left office in 2021.

Trump’s Middle East

This week, Riyadh hosts the second Arab-Islamic summit, aiming to present a unified stance on regional issues, such as Israel’s twin wars in Gaza and Lebanon. The summit seeks to coordinate efforts to end the war, deliver humanitarian aid, and pursue lasting solutions for stability.

This follows a significant Saudi-led initiative from late September, proposing a global alliance to promote an independent Palestinian state in a two-state solution alongside Israel as an alternative to the one-state vision advocated by hardline Israeli factions, some of whose representatives are currently Israeli ministers.

Given that the coalition’s core comprises Arab and Islamic nations, the Riyadh summit holds strategic importance in energising the two-state initiative, encouraging states to formally recognise a Palestinian state and take concrete steps in that direction.

The Riyadh summit holds strategic importance in energising the two-state solution and encouraging states to formally recognise a Palestinian state

The timing is critical, given the Israeli government's intensified actions against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's confidence that Trump's second administration will continue its previous unabashed support for Tel Aviv.

During Trump's first presidency, the US moved its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, recognised Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, cut Palestinian aid and diplomatic representation, and endorsed settlement expansion in the West Bank.

Laying the ground

In the coming weeks, Trump's team will likely be trying to address key regional tensions before he takes office in January. Netanyahu said he had spoken to Trump three times in the five days since he won. Ideally, Trump will want the Gaza and Lebanon conflicts resolved before he re-enters the Oval Office, to clear the slate for his second term.

Since he left office, the Gaza Strip has become unrecognisable, and in large part uninhabitable. Lebanon, too, has changed significantly; an economic basket-case in which Israel is pursuing a scorched earth policy. Stalled ceasefire negotiations and an ideological Israeli governing coalition hint at a challenging landscape ahead. 

The conflict between Israel and Iran is now out in the open, but there is also a recent trend towards reconciliation, notably the Saudi-Iranian thaw brokered by China, and Syria's slow re-admittance into Arab affairs. Turkey and Egypt are also mending ties with Gulf states. Together, these shifts create a diplomatic environment at odds with the one Trump previously navigated, and new dynamics require new strategies.

New tune needed

Trump's previous approach to Iran focused on withdrawal from the nuclear deal and "maximum pressure" from increased sanctions. He also saw the Syrian government as an extension of Tehran. Yet last September, he hinted at an openness to negotiate with Iran. If he did so, this would mark a considerable policy U-turn.

Last September, Trump hinted at an openness to negotiate with Iran. This would mark a considerable policy U-turn

Netanyahu, sensing an Iranian weakness and an Israeli opportunity, will hope to steer Trump in the opposite direction by escalating military tension against Tehran, possibly involving an Israeli strike on Iran's nuclear facilities. 

Netanyahu will seek to create a situation in which the US feels compelled to intervene militarily in support of Israel against Iran. He will have confidence that it would, too, given Trump's previous record of ordering airstrikes on Syrian forces in 2017-18, and the 2020 assassination of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani in Baghdad.

In the coming weeks, the region will likely see cautious initiatives to shape the Middle East's new dynamics tempered by anticipation of Trump's return. Last time, Trump balanced assertive force with deal-making diplomacy, crafting a Middle East policy that could pivot from confrontation to negotiation. Odds are he will need to do so again.

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