The path to ending Sudan's destructive war starts with humility

Complete reform of the army and disbandment of paramilitary forces are crucial to putting the country back on the path of democracy and dignity that the Sudanese people deserve

Since the war broke out, more than 500,000 people from Sudan have fled abroad, according to United Nations figures.
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Since the war broke out, more than 500,000 people from Sudan have fled abroad, according to United Nations figures.

The path to ending Sudan's destructive war starts with humility

The conflict in Sudan continues unabated, with both sides fighting among civilians and causing immense destruction. Khartoum, the capital, has suffered severe damage, and a significant portion of its population has been displaced.

In Darfur, the situation has taken a dangerous turn as human rights activists accuse the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of targeting specific ethnic groups. The assassinations of Governor Khamis Abkar and his father, Sheikh Abdallah Abkar, by members of the RSF on 15 and 22 June, respectively, have raised concerns.

These targeted attacks have been part of a larger campaign against the Masalit tribe in Darfur. Other victims include Prince Tariq Abd al-Rahman Bahr al-Din, the brother of the Sultan of Dar Masalit, and members of his family, as well as Sadik Mohamed Ahmed, a humanitarian coordinator and prominent human rights lawyer known for his voluntary efforts in defending human rights.

His most recent volunteer work involved assisting those affected by civil violence in the region between 2019 and 2022.

The RSF has been widely accused of involvement in these events, which have resulted in the loss of numerous lives. Professor Tariq Malik, the head of the sub-office of the Bar Association Steering Committee in West Darfur, was also assassinated, and government employees and prominent members of the Masalit community have been targeted and killed in their homes.

Khamis Abkar, before his untimely death, had been actively organising farmers from the Masalit community, since the mid-1990s, aiming to protect them from attacks by herdsmen, a factor that contributed to the outbreak of the war in Darfur. He had faced arrest and torture by the previous al-Bashir regime multiple times due to his efforts in this regard.

Following the start of the armed struggle in Darfur, Abkar became involved in leading the Sudanese Alliance organisation. After the December Revolution, he signed the Juba Peace Agreement and assumed the position of governor of West Darfur.

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A picture taken on June 16, 2023, shows a covered body across from a military armoured vehicle on a street in the West Darfur state capital El Geneina, amid ongoing fighting between two generals in war-torn Sudan.

Until his death, Abkar consistently conveyed a message to the people in his state that the war was between the Sudanese Army and the Rapid Support Forces, not between Arabs and the Masalit.

He emphasised that social groups should not be drawn into the conflict and expressed sharp criticism of both parties, particularly the Sudanese Army for its failure to protect and assist civilians and the Rapid Support Forces for their violations and abuses against the population.

Unfortunately, despite his efforts to promote peace and a better future, the destructive nature of the war prevailed over Abkar's aspirations for life and peace.

In Darfur, the situation has taken a dangerous turn as human rights activists accuse the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of targeting specific ethnic groups. The RSF has been widely accused of involvement in these events, which have resulted in the loss of numerous lives.

Jeddah talks end in stalemate

On 22 June, Molly Phee, the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, announced the adjournment of the Jeddah talks platform due to its failure in compelling the two parties to abide by the agreed truce agreements. The absence of civilian presence during the negotiations had a noticeable impact on the design of these agreements.

While the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) saw the truces as an opportunity to cease fighting with the army, they continued to occupy homes and hospitals and loot civilians without considering it a violation of the truce as long as they did not clash with the army.

In her statement, Phee acknowledged that the negotiation format did not achieve the desired success, a sentiment that many have echoed since the beginning of the talks initiated by US-Saudi mediation.

The intention was to expedite the cessation of hostilities, but it inadvertently fuelled the authoritarian ambitions of the warring parties, who sought to achieve their goals at the negotiating table that they were unable to accomplish on the ground.

AFP

Read more: The war in Sudan is really a battle over spoils

The intention of the Jeddah talks was to expedite the cessation of hostilities, but it inadvertently fuelled the authoritarian ambitions of the warring parties, who sought to achieve their goals at the negotiating table that they were unable to accomplish on the ground.

The RSF attempted to exploit the Jeddah platform to reintegrate themselves into the pre-war political process, as it guaranteed their presence, independence, and significant political and economic influence.

This led them to continue fighting, hoping to improve their negotiating position and create conditions for their return to the situation before 15 April when the current armed conflict erupted, based on implicit promises made during the Jeddah talks.

Army's weakness exposed

The approach of the Sudanese army towards the Jeddah negotiations can be seen as a diplomatic gesture towards Saudi Arabia and the United States. It is also possible that it had no alternative but to engage in negotiations, considering the weakness of its forces, which were constantly retreating and unable to decisively defeat the RSF, which had once been a part of them until a few years ago.

This picture taken on April 16, 2023, shows Sudanese army soldiers, loyal to army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, posing for a picture at the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) base in the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Indeed, the Sudanese army has demonstrated throughout the course of this war that it not only requires reform but a complete revamp to effectively function.

Indeed, the three-decade rule of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan, which relied on foreign militias such as the Popular Defence Forces, Friendly Forces, and the Janjaweed (later transforming into the Rapid Support Forces), has significantly weakened the official fighting forces of the Sudanese army.

This weakness is evident in the army's inability to effectively provide infantry forces to confront adversaries in urban warfare. The infiltration of Islamists into the army ranks during their rule politicised the institution and led to a multitude of decision-making centres within it. This further contributed to the erosion of the army's effectiveness.

Throughout the three decades of al-Bashir's rule, the military and security apparatus were primarily focused on protecting the regime rather than upholding professionalism and effectiveness within the army. This diversion of priorities hindered the army's development and undermined its capabilities.

The war with the RSF has exposed the vulnerabilities of the Sudanese army. Its leaders have attempted to mask behind superficial displays of military prowess, such as medals, uniforms, and arrogant speeches.

Opportunistic alliances and the coup against civilians with differing perspectives have further illustrated the problematic nature of the military leadership during this period.

The army seems to have had no other alternative but to engage in negotiations, considering the weakness of its forces, which were constantly retreating and unable to decisively defeat the RSF.

RSF's reputation goes from bad to worse

Indeed, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have reinforced the negative image that has been associated with them since their inception. Their continued misconduct has made it clear that it can never be integrated or accepted within the normal Sudanese state apparatus if Sudan aims to become a safe and stable country.

Human rights activists have extensively documented the violations and crimes committed by the RSF, leading to accusations that these forces operate as a "fascist system" that engages in killing, looting, rape, and the destruction of Sudan and its people.

The RSF does not represent the marginalised or vulnerable groups in Sudan. Instead, it primarily originated as a tool for suppressing and abusing marginalised populations.

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Members of Sudan's Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stand guard during the General's meeting with his supporters in the capital Khartoum on June 18, 2019.

Videos and recordings circulated by human rights activists have shown RSF members celebrating occupying homes of Khartoum residents, further highlighting their destructive mindset.

Addressing the people's greviances

This mentality does not align with the aspirations of the Sudanese marginalised population. Instead, it perpetuates the suffering that the rural population has endured for many years.

Once again, they find themselves victims of a destructive machine that has contributed to their oppression and destruction. Moreover, this discourse does not represent the nomadic Arab tribes in Darfur, as many community leaders from these tribes have expressed clear positions against the war and the RSF.

The RSF has reinforced the negative image that has been associated with them since their inception. Their continued misconduct has made it clear that it can never be integrated or accepted within the normal Sudanese state apparatus if Sudan aims to become a safe and stable country.

It is evident that such a system has no place in shaping a future of stability, let alone democracy, in Sudan.

The path to stability and progress lies in addressing the grievances of marginalised communities, ensuring accountability for human rights violations, and working towards a comprehensive and inclusive political solution that respects the rights and dignity of all Sudanese people.

It is important to recognise that all sides involved in the war in Sudan bear responsibility for the ongoing conflict, and ending the war should involve holding all parties accountable for their actions.

Opportunity to reconfigure peace process

The cessation of the Jeddah negotiations provides an opportunity to reconfigure the peace process and established a solid foundation to build upon with the primary goal of effectively stopping the war.

The Sudanese revolution brought forth a powerful slogan regarding the need to demilitarise and disband groups like the Janjaweed, emphasising the right direction for peace in Sudan: "The military goes to the barracks, and the Janjaweed disbands."

A political process cannot be effectively designed without clearly defining the desired goals. The revolutionary slogan represents the appropriate goal upon which the political process should be built. The war, now entering its third month, has proven that a military solution is not viable. Both sides would be foolish not to realise this fact by now.

The Sudanese army has been unable to decisively resolve the conflict or defeat the RSF. Likewise, there is no realistic scenario in which the RSF can gain complete control over Sudan and its governance, even if Khartoum is destroyed. The country is much larger than the forces led by the Dagalo family and their followers.

Therefore, it is in the best interest of the Sudanese people and their homeland for both sides to acknowledge this reality and put an end to this destructive spiral. There is no logical scenario in which the RSF can return to normal political practice in the country.

The December 2018 revolution closed the door to the acceptance of armed groups in Sudanese politics forever. The Sudanese people will not accept a regression, despite some politicians' complete disregard for the framework agreement.

To find a solution to this devastating war, sacrifices and concessions must be made to halt the fighting, prevent further loss of Sudanese lives, and halt the destruction of the country.

The cessation of the Jeddah negotiations provides an opportunity to reconfigure the peace process and established a solid foundation to build upon with the primary goal of effectively stopping the war.

Possible solutions

In this context, a possible solution could involve offering a safe exit from the country for RSF leader Mohamad Hamdan Dagalo, his deputy (who happens to be his brother Abd al-Rahim), and their close circle in the RSF leadership, in exchange for ending the fighting and destruction in Sudan.

Al Majalla

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However, this should be accompanied by the disbandment of the RSF as an institution and the demobilisation of its soldiers, with efforts made to reintegrate them naturally into their communities.

Simultaneously, abolishing the RSF should be accompanied by a comprehensive reform process within the Sudanese army. The first step in this reform should involve purging the army of politicised elements, particularly Islamists who contributed to igniting the war.

It is crucial to establish a professional and apolitical military institution that serves the interests of the Sudanese people and the stability of the country.

Indeed, restoring the Sudanese army to its natural role and focusing on its development and combat doctrine is a crucial step. The army should relinquish all extraneous files and responsibilities that have distracted it from its primary duty, leading to its current state of disarray.

Following this, civil political forces with a genuine interest in Sudan's future must initiate a comprehensive national dialogue. This dialogue should aim to reach an agreement on a national project for rebuilding the country and reestablishing democracy during a transitional period inspired by the goals and aspirations of the December revolution.

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Sudanese protesters from the city of Atbara, sitting atop a train, cheer upon arriving at the Bahari station in Khartoum on April 23, 2019

It is important for these forces to approach the dialogue with humility and recognise that monopolising the revolution or the state by certain individuals or organisations has contributed to political tensions in the past. However, it is equally important to remember that not all individuals or organisations played a destructive role.

The delay in finding a solution has only increased the pressure of international trials and prosecutions for war crimes and violations, which continue to be committed. The ongoing war exposes the weaknesses of the army and puts strain on the already fragile state apparatus, which still manages to provide some necessary services to the citizens caught in the midst of the war.

While this proposal may be a bitter pill to swallow, if it is adopted by influential international and regional powers that have leverage over both sides of the conflict, they can exert pressure to compel acceptance.

It represents an attempt to salvage the future and what remains of the country before it is consumed by the flames of destruction. Each Sudanese life is precious and sparing it from being wasted in the midst of this senseless war is of utmost importance.

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