Sudan’s leaders stoop to new levels of vanity

A troubled nation is once again betrayed by men who put ambition for power above all else and wipe out hope for civilian rule

Sudan’s leaders stoop to new levels of vanity

Sudan’s army and militia groups have resorted to violence and destruction, directing their weapons at their own citizens and each other, unable, yet again, to settle their differences through peaceful means.

The country’s clashing military leaders are both prioritising their power struggle and personal ambition over remedying a suffocating economic crisis and a range of other problems faced by its hard-pressed people.

As one of the poorest nations in the world and one of the most vulnerable to climate change, Sudan cannot afford this neglect from either Abdel Fattah al-Burhan —who leads the regular army and is the president of the Transitional Council — and his rival, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or Hemedti, the commander of the Rapid Support Forces.

Nothing meaningful on offer from either leader

Neither man has anything to offer the Sudanese people. Both are without a development programme, a road map out of the current economic collapse, or any ideas on how to combat unemployment, poverty, hunger, or reduce the number of people below the poverty line.

All they have is a thirst for power, even if it means destroying a country that has already experienced numerous wars, conflicts, and much political upheaval since its independence.

Read more: How successive conflicts have bankrupted the 'land of gold'

The cycle of replacing one military leader with another worse one seems endless, as the country’s politics plumbs new depths of futility and vanity.

The cycle of replacing one military leader with another worse one seems endless, as the country's politics plumbs new depths of futility and vanity.

The current war has ended all hopes of transitioning to civilian rule.

Both sides currently locked in conflict with each other have thwarted national moves toward democracy with a coup of their own in October 2021, when Sudan was supposed to be heading toward civilian government after Omar al-Bashir's long rule ended in 2019.

Another military adventurer, he and his Islamist supporters left Sudan stranded in labyrinths that continue to hold it back to this day. 

Now that the army and the RSF have returned to fighting— this time against each other — they have fully exposed a mutual lack of sincerity toward any peaceful political process to take Sudan to democratic civilian rule in the post al-Bashir era.  

It has often been said that military systems of government are more likely to create conflict. That rings true in Sudan, which has lived with fighting for decades.

War in the south led to the secession of the region from the country. Wars in Darfur led to the rise of Hemedti and his Janjaweed followers, who were a significant factor in the conflict there.

It has often been said that military systems of government are more likely to create conflict. That rings true in Sudan, which has lived with fighting for decades.

The Janjaweed were turned into a paramilitary force, and went on to become the RSF, after their involvement in the terrible calamity of massacres in Darfur.

Al-Bashir aimed to balance the army's power with this paramilitary force, fearing that the army might overthrow him — a fate he inflicted on a democratically-elected government in 1989.

The leaders of the latest Sudanese conflict may well see themselves as heroes. But their clashes across the country follow a string of treacherous acts, coups, and assassinations that have brought about the latest violence. 

They seek to grasp power as a prize to be won and wielded without regard for the interests of the majority who live under the shadow of a bleak and limited future.

Complete betrayal

Hemedti has labelled his opponent an "extremist Islamist". Meanwhile, the military refers to Hemedti's group as a "rebel militia," as if the army enjoys legitimacy after its coup against the civilian government of Abdalla Hamdok in 2021.

The truth is that both the "extremist Islamist" and the leader of the "rebel militia" have, in effect, collaborated to crush the hopes of the Sudanese people for an end to this long cycle of violence, coups, and civil wars. 

Al-Burhan and Hemedti are now paving the way for an endless series of civil wars and the disintegration of what remains of Sudan along regional, tribal, and sectarian lines.

This is a complete betrayal of the aspirations of millions of Sudanese who have been striving for progress since at least 2019.

Al-Burhan and Hemedti are now paving the way for an endless series of civil wars. This is a complete betrayal of the aspirations of millions of Sudanese who have been striving for progress.

Perhaps there is no escape from these coups and the hasty resort to violence which brings with it such calamity, as deluded opponents take up arms to try and rid themselves of each other.

History makes uncomfortable reading for 'the people'

History is, perhaps, not the most promising precedent. One can recall the machinations from Rashid Ali al-Gaylani of Iraq and Husni al-Za'im of Syria, who brought the scourge of coups to the Arab world.

But it may be possible that al-Burhan and Hemedti will learn from the experience of their fellow officers on the African continent, who are still trapped in the destructive cycle of periodic coups against each other. 

Nonetheless, the persistent obstruction of every effort to establish a state based on constitutional legitimacy is caused not only by power-hungry military and militia leaders. 

There is something deeply ingrained in Arab society that prevents the widespread acceptance of a rule that genuinely represents the interests of the broader population, allowing for the emergence of the modern concept of 'the people.' 

There is something deeply ingrained in Arab society that prevents the widespread acceptance of a rule that genuinely represents the interests of the broader population.

Rebellion against the state is always justified by talk of injustice and bias, allegations of rule to prioritise one group or the transformation of a nation into a mere machine for accumulating wealth for a privileged few who know nothing of justice or equality.

Cultural roots for weapons as adornments for men

This helps us understand the enduring appeal of rebellion and khuruj, or disobeying the government, a term used by Arabs since the civil wars in the early stage of Islam. It also sheds light on glorifying violence and using Kharijite– or revolutionary – weaponry associated with power and manhood.

The resilience of the slogan uttered by multiple Lebanese leaders during the civil wars becomes evident: "...the weapons in our hands will remain the adornment of men."

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