The Syrian government is strengthening its military and security capabilities for border control, with Iranian-linked cells in the crosshairs. This includes groups affiliated with Hezbollah in Lebanon, as well as Iraqi militias operating inside Syria and along its frontiers. Dozens of new military outposts are being established along the borders with Iraq and Lebanon, amidst unconfirmed reports that Syria is preparing to send fighters to Yemen to support the Saudi-led coalition’s campaign against the Houthis.
Military reinforcements are one element of the Syrian strategy. Damascus is also improving communications with Baghdad and Beirut, hoping to reach a point where Syria no longer needs to act alone to protect its territory and borders. Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s visit to Damascus is believed to have helped strengthen bilateral political, economic, and security relations. For Iran and its proxies, the growing closeness between the governments of Iraq and Syria is an unwelcome development.
Damascus knows that it's only a matter of time until Iran intervenes to counter this shift, especially if it decides to send troops to fight the Houthis in Yemen, so security measures have been tightened. On 9 November, Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani said the military agreement recently signed with Saudi Arabia contained no provision for deploying Syrian forces to Yemen, adding that any decision to do so would be announced publicly. Two days earlier, on 7 November, the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) quoted a diplomatic source as saying that the agreement with Riyadh was confined to “training, the exchange of expertise and military consultations”.
Rumoured deployment
Syria’s priorities remain consolidating domestic security, reconstruction, and economic recovery, but several esteemed international news agencies (including Reuters, Agence France-Presse and the Associated Press) have suggested that Damascus is preparing to send thousands of fighters to line up against the Houthis. Al Majalla contacted several Syrian officials regarding these reports. While none confirmed that Syrian fighters would be sent to Yemen, they did hint that Syrian military personnel were preparing to fly to Saudi Arabia.
Deployment to the Gulf doesn't necessarily mean they will be sent to Yemen; it could be for training programmes. One source, that did not want to be named, said any decision to send Syrian fighters to fight the Houthis would depend on how military cooperation between Damascus and Riyadh develops. The Saudis are in a three-way mutual defence pact with Pakistan and Türkiye, called the Mecca Alliance. Syria may later join it.
Gulf financial support, especially Saudi capital, will be key to Syria’s economic and military rebuild, which is why some Syrians close to Damascus security circles told me they would not be surprised if Syrian troops did eventually get involved in the conflict in Yemen. The fact that relations between Damascus and Riyadh are at their strongest in decades could also sway Syria's decision to get militarily involved.
Syria’s improved relations with the Gulf states have not gone unnoticed by Iran and its allied militias. Tehran spent billions of dollars and sacrificed countless lives supporting the Assads’ rule in Syria, especially that of Bashar al-Assad since he took over from his father in 2000. Under the Assads, Syria became a smuggling corridor supplying Iran’s main proxy, Hezbollah. Yet since December 2024, Syria’s new leaders have hung up the ‘Not Welcome’ sign and are now bracing for a complex period of confrontation with Iran and its interests, not least along its borders.

Rising tensions
Tensions between Damascus and Hezbollah further rose after Syrian authorities announced on 3 November that they had arrested a Hezbollah-affiliated cell accused of plotting an attack on the Homs oil refinery, after an intelligence-led operation that included “meticulous surveillance,” according to the Interior Ministry. It added that explosive devices were seized and confiscated. Analysts say this may herald a new approach from the Lebanese group, targeting Syria’s strategic energy infrastructure.
Since Bashar al-Assad fled to Russia almost two years ago, Hezbollah has sought to undermine the new government and draw Syria into a war with Israel, which would serve the group’s interests and advance Iran’s ambitions to foment instability across the Middle East in pursuit of its regional objectives. When it became clear that Syria would no longer serve as a transit corridor and a weapons depot for the Lebanese group, Hezbollah’s weapons went into overdrive, as it sought to remove the arms it held there.
Syrian authorities believe that some of Hezbollah’s weapons stockpiles may still be in the country; likewise, weapons intended for Iran-backed militias in Iraq. Shipments intercepted by Damascus since December 2024 have contained weapons of varying sophistication, including Konkurs anti-tank missiles, Grad rockets, mines, bombs, rifles, ammunition, and detonators. The smuggling networks also handle funds destined for Hezbollah and consignments of narcotics manufactured in Lebanon.


