Sharaa, the White House and the Saudi linchpin

As the region holds its breath for a new script—an "American Syria" ascending after long and hard years under the orbit of Iran and Russia—calculations tremble

Sharaa, the White House and the Saudi linchpin

In the annals of statecraft, certain images reposition nations more profoundly than any battlefield victory. One image alone can tilt history: a Syrian president at the threshold of the White House, not a guest in passing, but the living symbol of a nation returning to a global stage from which it had been previously shunned.

As the region holds its breath for a new script—an "American Syria" ascending after long and hard years under the orbit of Iran and Russia—calculations tremble.

On Monday, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa will meet US President Donald Trump at the White House, where he is expected to officially join an international coalition to fight the Islamic State (IS). But the spectacle transcends the counter-terrorism arena; it signals a complete recalibration of the regional balance.

From al-Sharaa's first encounter with Trump in Riyadh on 14 May to their second meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York in September, it was clear that bridges were being quietly built. Damascus—long accustomed to the lexicon of the "resistance axis" and the "Russian veto"—is now pivoting toward direct partnership with Washington.

A clear shift

However, this meeting will carry far more weight than the previous encounters this year; it openly demonstrates Syria's shift from being on America's diplomatic periphery to being directly under its umbrella. Washington, which does not grant recognition lightly, understands precisely what it means to shake Syria's hand in public.

The United States has come to grasp the full magnitude of the earthquake that shattered Syria and rippled through the region. The Assad regime fell, Iran left, its regional 'axis' has been degraded, and Hezbollah is surrounded.

As for IS, the US understands that it was never truly extinguished. Driven from its strongholds, the group retreated into the desert, moving across borders like a spectral presence that needs no banners. What remains are scattered cells, sporadic attacks, renewed assassinations, and a calculated exploitation of the voids left by warring powers.

The Americans—once fixated on the Iraqi theatre—have come to understand that retreating from geography does not mean retreating from danger. If you do not go to the region, the region comes to you. Washington is no longer seeking a partner to shoulder its burdens; it is now looking for a state capable of mastering its terrain. The irony is striking. Syria—long cast as part of the problem—is now summoned as part of the solution.

Al-Sharaa's visit is far more significant than previous US encounters; it shows Syria's shift from being on the diplomatic periphery to being directly under its umbrella

Moment of reckoning

Damascus, too, has arrived at a moment of reckoning. Syria's interior is weighed down by economic despair, crumbling services and a fractured geography. Al-Sharaa visited Moscow and knocked on the Kremlin's door. Yet Putin cannot lift the economic siege or breathe life back into a broken state. He cannot restrain Netanyahu's raids and incursions, nor can he temper Erdoğan's appetite and ambitions.

Al-Sharaa understands that clinging to a single alliance is no longer a strategic choice but a costly liability. To this end, reaching out to Washington is not simply a rupture with the "axis," but a pragmatic step to help alleviate Syria's harsh economic realities.

He understands that there is no economy without global gateways; there is no enduring legitimacy without international recognition; and there is no sustainable security without a regional architecture that transcends the bounds of allies and militias.

Yet this moment is not merely Syrian and American; it is unmistakably Arab. After the regime's collapse and al-Sharaa's ascent to the People's Palace, one question loomed: who could return Syria to the Arab fold? Al-Sharaa understood that Saudi Arabia was the linchpin—Syria's gateway to the world.

Decisive turn

The decisive turn came in Riyadh, where Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman led one of the region's boldest transformations, re-engineering the logic of Arab security. The Levant could no longer remain at the mercy of transnational militias or foreign powers waging wars by proxy.

Rebuilding Syria is more than a national necessity; it is a blueprint for regional stability. Damascus's entry into the US-led coalition is not a diplomatic footnote but the inscription of a new order: the state above chaos, institutions above the gun, borders above intrusion, healing above narcotics, partnership above clandestine networks.

In this light, al-Sharaa's entry into the White House couldn't have happened without Saudi Arabia. Quiet diplomacy, backchannel negotiations, understandings forged far from the clamour of headlines, and a new discourse balancing realism with legitimacy—all this paved the ground.

Riyadh seeks a stable—not broken—Syria; one that is sovereign—not subordinate. And it seems that, for the first time, Washington is listening—and listening intently.

Riyadh seeks a stable—not broken—Syria; one that is sovereign—not subordinate. And it seems that, for the first time, Washington is listening—and listening intently.

Tough road ahead

Still, the trek ahead will be no walk in the park. The US has put forth a list of deliverables that Syria is expected to meet: participation in the anti-IS coalition, resolution of the foreign fighter dilemma, humanitarian corridors, detainee files, chemical weapons oversight, and a fast-tracked negotiation process leading to security arrangements with Israel, followed by normalisation and a seat on the "peace train".

Syria's leadership understands that, while navigating this transformation, its every step will be scrutinised—both domestically and internationally.  At the same time, it needs to carefully manage its relationships with other key global players. Damascus cannot afford to win Washington and lose Moscow or Ankara in the process. It cannot open the gates to the West while leaving traditional allies feeling betrayed.

Therefore, the delicate architecture of balanced relations will be Syria's greatest challenge in the period to come. Moscow and Tehran will be watching developments with a sense of dread, as they see Syria and the region slipping further from their grasp. Tehran knows as well that alliances built atop the rubble of war are not eternal. They shift when nations regain their footing. The irony is stark. The war that tore Syria apart is the very force that now renders it indispensable.

There can be no regional stability without Syria. No effective counter-terrorism without its army. No energy maps, no borders, and no refugee solutions without its corridors. This is the truth Sharaa carries with him into the White House. It is not a visit to reclaim its image as much as it is to reclaim its voice, end its isolation and drink from the well of reintegration.

Is al-Sharaa putting his country on the path of an "American Syria"? Perhaps. Is this a tactical manoeuvre seeking equilibrium among great powers? Possibly. However, what is certain is that, for the first time in years, Syria steps onto the international stage not as a dossier, but as a player. It signs. It negotiates. It sits as a partner—not a problem.

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