States or battlegrounds?

The Middle East stands at a crossroads. Protracted crises are colliding with sharpening rivalries against the backdrop of regional and global realignments.

States or battlegrounds?

The Middle East stands at a crossroads. Protracted crises now collide with sharpening rivalries, set against deep regional and international realignments. For several countries in the region, the question has become existential: which path should we take, and what kind of state do we intend to build?

In Syria, Lebanon, Sudan, Libya, Yemen, Somalia, and beyond, the struggle is not merely over power or resources. It is a struggle over the very form of the state—its meaning, its function, and its boundaries. These are battles over the definition of the political entity itself. Who possesses legitimacy? Who claims the monopoly of violence? Where are the borders— legal, territorial, enforceable? And what social contract underpins governance?

Two distinct trajectories are emerging, each with its advocates, each bearing its own risks and far-reaching consequences.

The first path is to consolidate the national state: one sovereign polity with recognised borders, an integrated territory, and a national identity that contains pluralism rather than suppressing it. Diversity is not merely tolerated but valued; difference becomes an asset. One army. Institutions that alone monopolise legitimate force. A state that reasserts the primacy of law and citizenship, and disentangles primary loyalties—sectarian, religious, tribal, or regional—from the wider bond of national belonging.

This path is arduous and demanding. It requires painful compromises and deep reforms. Yet it is the only course capable of producing lasting stability, of pulling societies out of the vortex of open-ended wars, and of reintegrating them into the regional and international order as states rather than arenas of conflict.

The second path is fragmentation: regions and multiple administrations, whether marketed under loose federal slogans, exercised through unrestrained self-rule, or imposed as de facto realities by armed actors. To some, this may appear less costly in the short term and may offer local groups a sense of safety or control. But at its core, it produces weak states—open to foreign intervention and incapable of exercising real sovereignty or achieving sustainable development. It yields a stage for conflict rather than a state capable of forging consensus or securing peace.

Somalia's experience over decades shows that managing fragmentation does not mean escaping it

Case studies

In Syria, the contradiction is stark. There is the logic of rebuilding a unified central state—and there is the logic of zones of influence administered by forces of fait accompli, leaving the country hanging between war and settlement.

In Yemen, the fragmentation of central authority has entangled the internal conflict with the penetration of cross-border powers that threaten legitimacy and bind the country to "unity of arenas". State absence and the bolstering of militias have been central to prolonging the war and widening the appeal of unilateral secession.

Libya offers a vivid example of a country rich in resources yet impoverished in institutions. The proliferation of armed power centres has resulted in chronic political paralysis and a division of influence that yields no stability—a nation suspended between its east and its west.

In Sudan, the erosion of consensus around the national state has reopened core questions of identity, authority, and the centre–periphery settlement at a moment that threatens the state's unity. Militias are expanding, and centrifugal pressures are intensifying. In Lebanon, the unresolved contest between the state and militias weighs on a weakened polity, exposed to conflict and repeated raids.

Somalia's experience over decades shows that managing fragmentation does not mean escaping it. The absence of a central state entrenches the desire for secession more than it creates viable alternatives. It turns the country into an arena for regional rivalries. Israel's recognition of "Somaliland" illustrates attempts to grant external legitimacy to de facto entities for geopolitical ends.

The region does not need new maps as much as it requires a new social contract within existing states

Danger of political vacuum

These and other experiences demonstrate that the collapse of the state does not give rise to stable alternatives. It produces a vacuum that militias, black economies, and foreign powers rush to fill. Turning social and cultural diversity into rigid political borders does not solve the problem—it reproduces it in more complex and acute forms.

The region does not need new maps as much as it requires a new social contract within existing states—one that acknowledges diversity, guarantees inclusion, and redefines the relationship between centre and periphery without dismantling the state or draining it of its sovereign substance.

The Middle East today stands between two paths, and the choice is neither theoretical nor deferred. It is a decision made daily in policies, in shifting balances of power, and in elites' ability to present the state as a remedy rather than a burden.

Either states renew themselves and embrace their societies, or remain fragmented entities governed by crises. History, like geography, does not forgive hesitation.

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