Why Trump wants the Bagram Air Base "back"

Afghanistan's ancient town of Bagram once sat on the Silk Road, along a key passage from India. Today, it is sought by America, Russia, and China for different reasons that are no less strategic.

An Afghan National Army (ANA) soldier stands guard at a gate of a hospital inside the Bagram US air base after all US and NATO troops left, some 70 Km north of Kabul on July 5, 2021.
WAKIL KOHSAR / AFP
An Afghan National Army (ANA) soldier stands guard at a gate of a hospital inside the Bagram US air base after all US and NATO troops left, some 70 Km north of Kabul on July 5, 2021.

Why Trump wants the Bagram Air Base "back"

A huge two-runway airbase in the Afghan mountains that was first built with Soviet help and later extended by the Americans, Bagram has once again been in the news of late, because of several comments US President Donald Trump has made.

During his first presidential term in November 2019, he flew into Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, just north of the capital Kabul, to celebrate Thanksgiving with US troops. He hinted that the Taliban wanted to “do a deal”. At the time, there were 12,000 troops at the base. Within two years, all had left. By the summer of 2021, it was back under Taliban control.

Now in his second presidential term, he hankers for its return. At a meeting with British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer last month, he said: “We gave it to them (the Taliban) for nothing. We want that base back.” Two days later, he repeated the sentiment on social media, this time suggesting that “bad things” would happen if it were not returned.

As with other countries in his sights, the root interest appears to be minerals and logistics. As part of this, he has removed sanctions on key Taliban ministers and dispatched former diplomat Zalmay Khalilzad to bring back missing Americans.

The key US strategy is to keep Afghanistan out of the Moscow-Beijing orbit, but in the Russian capital last week, that appeared to backfire, when officials from Russia, India, Pakistan, China, Iran, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan joined their Taliban counterparts in ruling out foreign control of military bases inside Afghanistan. They did not name the US and Bagram, but it was more than clear what they meant.

Ahmad SAHEL ARMAN / AFP
Taliban military vehicles parade to celebrate the third anniversary of the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan, at the Bagram Air Base, in Bagram, Parwan province, on August 14, 2024.

Sore point

Some of Trump’s team have served in Afghanistan, including his Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth and UN ambassador Mike Waltz. Many veterans of the war in Afghanistan are aggrieved that—despite the many American lives lost and billions of dollars spent—Russian and Chinese companies are about to start extracting the country’s valuable rare earths. Kabul points to Russia’s official recognition of the Taliban as Afghanistan’s legitimate government—a move neither Washington nor any European capital has thus far mirrored.

Russia’s main allies in central Asia—including Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan—have all stepped up diplomatic and economic activity with Kabul in recent months. Alongside trade deals, logistical routes are also being set up. India has just invited the Taliban foreign minister for a first official visit, as New Delhi lines up its official recognition of the government in Kabul. Neither India nor Russia is a stranger to Afghanistan and the surrounding area.

Over three centuries, Russia has fought for control and influence, including against the British Empire for most of the 19th century, in what was dubbed "the great game" by British journalist and author Peter Hopkirk in a book of the same name. The value comes down to Afghanistan's location—connecting Central Asia with South and East Asia.

If Afghanistan doesn't give Bagram Airbase back to those that built it, the United States of America, BAD THINGS ARE GOING TO HAPPEN!!!

US President Donald Trump

'Key to the world'

Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former US National Security Advisor, once said that whoever controls this Eurasian landmass controls the world. His predecessor, Henry Kissinger, was also interested, often travelling to neighbouring Pakistan as an academic to chart America's Afghan policy in the 1950s and 60s. He later revealed how his Afghan partnership with Pakistan opened the door to Beijing.

Today, China is the biggest investor in Afghanistan, opening several road and train links via the Wakhan Corridor (a narrow strip of land connecting Afghanistan's Badakhshan province with China's Xinjiang province). Chinese companies are known to be extracting minerals and natural gas in the northern fields of Afghanistan.

Beijing-Kabul relations have not always been rosy. In the 1990s, the first Taliban government backed Uyghur fighters against the Chinese government. However, the lure of much-needed Chinese investment in Afghanistan has meant that Kabul no longer supports the dissident movement against the Chinese. On the contrary, there is now a budding Chinatown in Kabul, a Chinese market, the Chinese funding for local Afghan media operations. In terms of trade, China has also vowed to connect Afghan road and rail routes to Iran and Pakistan.

Into this mix steps Trump, whose top security officials have been dispatched to talk to the Taliban in Kabul and Abu Dhabi. American firms want aviation rights and overland logistical contracts from Central Asia to South Asia, while Washington's broader aim is to stop China 'winning' Afghanistan, which would strengthen Beijing's hand in Pakistan and Iran.

In recent weeks, Pakistan and the US signed a minerals deal negotiated directly between Field Marshal Asim Munir and President Trump in the White House. Now Trump wants to know if a similar deal in Afghanistan can be inked, using the Bagram Air Base as a logistical hub. A look at the map shows how Bagram could also be used by the US in the event of any military confrontation with China or Iran. 

Carrot and stick approach

Trump's tactics are to use both a carrot and a stick, the latter being the threat of "bad things" happening. And his government looks to exploit and nurture a growing rift between the Taliban's two main factions: its Shura, in Kandahar, and the Haqqani network from eastern Afghanistan, hoping to get one on side over a minerals deal.

Trump's 'carrot' may help rid the Taliban of jihadists from ISIS-K (Khorasan). But it is a delicate balancing act in Central Asia. The Russians have their largest base in Tajikistan, and very close to Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan, both mineral- and energy-rich countries with whom Trump hopes to do business.

The Americans quietly passed a bill last month allowing the CIA and Hegseth's Department of War to assist Afghan resistance groups such as Ahmad Massoud's National Resistance Front (NRF), if they have former American-backed Afghan national security forces. This could form part of Trump's 'stick.' If the Taliban shun his offers, there are former Afghan commandos whom he could help.

Yesterday it was the British and the Soviets, today it is Trump and the Chinese, tomorrow it will be someone else. So goes the Afghan thinking, looking back on 300 years. They could be forgiven for assuming that little has changed in that time.

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