Politics

Cheers and jeers as Syria votes in first post-Assad parliament

Only 4% of 119 members selected in the indirect vote were women, and only two Christians, sparking concerns about inclusivity and fairness. Meanwhile, voting was postponed in Druze and Kurdish areas.

LOUAI BESHARA / AFP

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (L) visits the polling station where members of Syrian local committees have been casting their votes to select members of an interim parliament, in Damascus on October 5, 2025.

Cheers and jeers as Syria votes in first post-Assad parliament

Subhi Franjieh

last update on 06 Oct 2025

Syria has announced the results of its first parliamentary election since the ouster of former President Bashar al-Assad, with most new members of the People’s Assembly being Sunni Muslims and males.

Electoral commission spokesperson Nawar Najmeh held a press conference on Monday, revealing that 4% of the 119 members selected in the indirect vote were women and only two Christians were among the winners, sparking concerns about inclusivity and fairness.

On 5 October, elections were held in 52 of Syria’s 60 electoral districts. The remaining members of the People’s Assembly will be appointed by President Ahmed al-Sharaa. According to Al Majalla sources, al-Sharaa is expected to announce his list of MPs within 10 days of the election results being released. The idea of his list is to maintain balance, especially in relation to the representation of women, notables, skilled individuals, people with disabilities, and war-injured citizens.

Eight districts, including Ain al-Arab in Aleppo, three districts in al-Hasakah, one in Raqqa, and three in Sweida, had their elections suspended until agreements can be reached between the Syrian state and the forces in control of those areas.

Selection process

The selection process went as follows: a Supreme Electoral Commission (SEC) formed subcommittees across each province. These were tasked with selecting the electoral body, which in turn would elect MPs from within its own members. In order to ensure procedural integrity—from the appointment of subcommittees to the execution of the vote—the SEC coordinated with the Syrian Ministry of Justice to establish specialised appeals committees.

REUTERS/Mahmoud Hassano — Members of electoral colleges count votes, on the day they vote for candidates of the new Syrian Parliament since Bashar al-Assad's government was toppled, in Aleppo, Syria, October 5, 2025.

These bodies were responsible for reviewing challenges to ensure fair selection and voting processes. The appeals committee, whose decisions are based on appeals submitted by Syrians, is an independent entity whose rulings are binding on the SEC. If the appeals committee decides to exclude a member of the electoral body due to failure to meet the commission’s criteria, the SEC cannot contest that decision.

The appeals committee has occasionally based its rulings on public sentiment. In multiple instances, according to Al Majalla sources, individuals were excluded without formal complaints being filed against them, especially when evidence surfaced of their support for the Assad regime. Local populations refrained from submitting formal objections out of fear of reprisal.

Each governorate’s share of parliamentary representation reflects its proportion of Syria’s population, using the 2011 census as a benchmark. For example, if a governorate accounted for 5% of Syria’s population, it would be allocated 5% of the two-thirds of MPs elected under the supervision of the SEC—roughly equivalent to seven parliamentarians.

The 2011 census was adopted as the reference point due to the impossibility of conducting reliable population counts since then, given the vast displacement, forced migration, and refugee exodus that have altered the country’s demographic map. These conditions have rendered any accurate census currently unfeasible.

Despite the historical absence of general elections, officials involved in the process argue that Syrians have played an active role from the outset. When the subcommittees were announced, Syrians could file objections. Once these committees were finalised, they proceeded to select the electoral body, which was also subject to public challenge. According to several members of the SEC, this mechanism has allowed for at least two key stages of citizen participation during the election of MPs to the People's Assembly.

LOUAI BESHARA / AFP — A member of Syria's local committees votes in the country's selection process to designate an interim parliament, in Damascus on October 5, 2025.

Criticism and anger

The steps taken by the SEC sparked significant public criticism and anger, especially after the final list of the electoral body was released following the appeals period. The list excluded individuals against whom no formal objections had been filed, causing considerable embarrassment for those individuals. It was publicly understood that the finalised list excluded only those who had breached the regulations or had been formally challenged. The SEC’s efforts to calm public discontent by asserting that removals were not based on objections or personal histories failed to ease tensions.

A subcommittee consisting of at least three members serves each electoral district. In larger districts, the number of subcommittee members increases by one for every 200,000 residents. The baseline of three members from varied backgrounds prevents bias in the selection and evaluation process, particularly in governorates characterised by religious and ethnic diversity. Subcommittee members are prohibited from standing for Parliament, as they serve as official representatives of the SEC within their districts.

The commission implemented a coordination mechanism granting subcommittees operational independence. Each subcommittee liaises directly with the SEC, without interaction with other subcommittees within the same governorate. This separation aims to limit undue influence or pressure between subcommittees, particularly in cases where one might be more dominant than another.

Although subcommittees were tasked with compiling the electoral body, there was no standardised or transparent selection mechanism beyond ensuring that candidates met the conditions set by the SEC. While this level of authority can, in theory, promote transparency, it also presents a structural vulnerability.

Individuals have often selected candidates from their own backgrounds—a risk that is particularly pronounced in smaller, homogeneous communities. This dynamic could foster alliances around a particular candidate, aiming to secure their seat in what would be Syria’s first Parliament since the fall of Bashar al-Assad.

OMAR HAJ KADOUR / AFP — A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama following its capture.

The SEC released the subcommittees’ lists without interference, inviting Syrians to file objections against individuals suspected of supporting al-Assad, engaging in corruption, or being involved in crimes or abuses against citizens. Other grounds for objection included age, academic qualifications, and eligibility to represent the nominated district.

Issues emerged when the final list excluded individuals with no record of violations. At the same time, names from the so-called ‘compensatory list’—intended to fill potential gaps in the electoral bodies after appeals—were added.

The SEC defended the removals, stating they were not due to violations but were part of an effort to rebalance the electoral body, particularly in districts suffering from over- or underrepresentation. In response to public outrage in several areas, some subcommittees reinstated previously removed names while excluding others. This attempt to appease the public raised questions about the criteria used for these adjustments and whether such actions compromised the transparency of both the commission and the subcommittees.

According to Al Majalla sources, even subcommittee members were surprised to find names excluded from the final list without clear justification or official complaints. Some submitted legal petitions to the SEC, which sought to mediate what had become an internal subcommittee dispute.

The postponement of voting in Druze and Kurdish areas raises fears about whether such an exclusion marks the beginning of partition or signals the failure of an initiative intended to create a functioning parliament

The imbalance in representation partly stemmed from overstaffing in certain electoral units. For instance, if a unit was allocated four representatives but had six candidates, two had to be excluded, assuming no valid objections were raised. This triggered a vetting process conducted by the subcommittees and the SEC, prioritising the inclusion of women, former detainees, individuals with disabilities, and highly qualified candidates. The remaining individuals were then removed to preserve balance. Members of the SEC consider this method a near-optimal solution, despite inevitable frustration from excluded candidates.

According to Al Majalla sources, in rare instances, objections were submitted against prominent regime opponents or individuals who otherwise met all eligibility requirements. Nevertheless, the appeals committees accepted evidence that sometimes misrepresented those individuals' political affiliations. The SEC holds no authority to overturn decisions made by the appeals committees. As a result, affected individuals could pursue one of two legal options—filing a complaint against the appeals judges before either the Supreme Judicial Council or the Judicial Inspection Board, the only bodies authorised to review judges' conduct.

Observers present

Sunday's parliamentary elections were overseen by the subcommittees. Observers from the Bar Association monitored the process, while media outlets were granted access to polling stations. Candidates standing for Parliament were present in the halls to witness the voting and ballot-counting, alongside members of the electoral body. Some civil and legal organisations were also allowed to attend on election day. As with all electoral procedures, voting was confidential, and ballot counting took place in public view.

Each member of the electoral body was entitled to vote for multiple candidates, provided the number did not exceed the seats allocated to their district. Members may also choose to abstain from voting entirely. Therefore, the minimum level of participation is abstention, while the maximum allows members to vote for as many candidates as there are available seats in their district.

Now Sharaa will select the remaining third members. After that, he has no authority to dismiss any member he has appointed. Only Parliament itself can dismiss a member, and this requires a two-thirds majority vote.

Reuters — The headquarters of the Syrian Parliament in the capital, Damascus, on December 21, 2025.

Following the ratification of the presidential third, the full Parliament will convene and begin its duties. The first session is expected to take place in mid-October. Each MP will be granted immunity, allowing a degree of freedom to criticise and evaluate government performance. The SEC anticipates that the new Parliament will lead a legislative reform drive, as most state institutions need regulatory reform or renewal. Key responsibilities will include approving the national budget, reviewing ministerial reports, and representing citizens' concerns.

Dashed hopes

Syria's first parliamentary elections after decades of rule by the Assad family have fallen short of what many Syrians had hoped for. The disappointment stems from both the electoral environment and procedures, as well as the failure to symbolically unify Syrian territory under one representative parliamentary session.

The SEC initially proposed to exclude the provinces of Raqqa, al-Hasakah, and Sweida due to ongoing tensions and the refusal of both the government and local forces to hold elections in these areas. Following public outcry, some districts in Raqqa and al-Hasakah were reinstated. These included Tal Abyad and Maadan in Raqqa and Ras al-Ain in al-Hasakah. Sweida remained excluded.

Despite this partial reversal, the decision fell short of public expectations, particularly among those who had hoped the government and the de facto authorities in these areas would overcome their divisions and ensure nationwide electoral participation. The seats of the eight suspended districts will remain vacant until agreements are reached between the government and the controlling forces in eastern Syria and Sweida.

The national mood is one of cautious optimism mixed with anger. Many Syrians remember only a rubber-stamp Parliament that held no real legislative authority.

Officials in Damascus and within the SEC believe the process of selecting and electing MPs could contribute to repairing Syria's fractured social fabric, provided the commission and the government maintain a process that is smooth, transparent, and reflective of Damascus's stated commitment to include all Syrians in parliamentary decision-making.

One commission member told Al Majalla that, despite the exceptional—and far from ideal—circumstances of this transitional period, and the inability to hold direct elections, they had succeeded in establishing a mechanism that allows for the highest possible degree of participation and public oversight of the bodies responsible for electing the upcoming Parliament.

Numerous challenges

The Syrian government still faces numerous challenges. Chief among them is how to reach an understanding with the regions east of the Euphrates and with Sweida, thereby ensuring the remaining parliamentary seats are filled. There are also growing concerns over the legitimacy of the new Parliament among Syrians, particularly given the increasing number of voices questioning the viability of a legislative body formed without representation from SDF-held areas and Sweida.

This raises fears about whether such an exclusion marks the beginning of partition or signals the failure of an initiative intended to create a fully functioning Syrian Parliament capable of exercising genuine legislative authority.

Another urgent challenge is whether the government can guarantee electoral transparency and prevent power-hungry factions from marginalising others. These concerns are especially pressing in areas marked by ethnic and religious diversity. There is a real concern that some individuals could be pushed to the forefront through the manipulation of subcommittee formations and the structuring of electoral bodies.

Such interference could distort the commission's efforts and compromise the outcomes of the process. This risk threatens to undermine Syria's fragile transitional phase. It could also provide a significant opportunity—a political feast—for internal and external actors alike to disrupt the path to political stability.

Syria, which first established a Parliament in 1919, once stood as a regional pioneer in representative governance. Today, it stands at a pivotal moment as it approaches the formation of a new legislative assembly.

The general national mood is one of cautious optimism. But still scepticism remains. Many Syrians remember only a rubber-stamp Parliament that held no real legislative authority. For them, the People's Assembly has long been a chamber of applause, lacking in oversight, accountability, or meaningful law-making. It has failed to provide the kind of political environment necessary for the state and its citizens to prosper.

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