Politics

Pakistan sides with Iran, but may only be able to offer words

Tehran appreciates the rhetoric from Islamabad, but to succeed in its war with Israel, it needs tangible support and reliable allies, something Pakistan may find difficult to muster

AFP

Activists from a local youth organisation wave Iranian flags and chant anti-Israel slogans during a protest in Karachi, Pakistan, on June 15, 2025.

Pakistan sides with Iran, but may only be able to offer words

Kaswar Klasra

last update on 18 Jun 2025

In a region already teetering on the edge of madness, where every drone strike sounds like the whisper of apocalypse and every televised funeral doubles as a political message, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif has spoken with rare moral clarity. “Iran has the right to self-defence,” he said resolutely, standing before a sea of cameras in Islamabad. In so doing, he was declaring the nation’s loyalties regarding the war between Iran and Israel.

Later that evening, in a call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Sharif extended heartfelt condolences for the lives lost during what he called Israel’s “unprovoked and unjustified aggression,” reiterating that Pakistan stood with the government and people of Iran. The Israeli strikes, he said, were not only a violation of Iran’s sovereignty but of the UN Charter and international law.

Citing Article 51, which affirms the right to self-defence, Sharif framed Iran’s retaliation not as escalation, but as lawful resistance. He reminded Pezeshkian that Pakistan had supported Iran during the UN Security Council’s emergency session, while also denouncing Israel’s “genocidal campaign against the valiant Palestinians” as a threat to regional and global peace.

The UN and the international community “must act,” he insisted, adding that Pakistan would not stay silent in the face of injustice. His statement came just hours after Israeli fighter jets lit up the skies over Iran, striking alleged nuclear installations near Natanz and Isfahan, killing Iranian generals, and sowing rage from Tehran to Qom.

Thunder and unity

Within hours of the first Israeli strikes, protests erupted in Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, and Islamabad. Angry crowds surged into the streets waving Iranian and Palestinian flags, burning Israeli symbols, and chanting ancient war cries. Clerics thundered from pulpits, political parties suddenly united, and social media was set ablaze with angry messages.

For many in Pakistan, this is not just a foreign war. It is a spiritual, historical, and ideological confrontation—one with its origins in the late 1940s, when Pakistan refused to recognise the State of Israel. While other Muslim nations flirted with Tel Aviv, normalising ties in return for drones or diplomatic cover, Islamabad remained steadfast. In the Pakistani psyche, Israel is not just a country; it is a symbol of occupation, injustice, and a long usurper of Palestinian rights.

In the Pakistani psyche, Israel is not just a country; it is a symbol of occupation, injustice, and a long usurper of Palestinian rights

The Pakistan government's spokesperson said Israeli strikes were "unjustified and illegitimate aggression," affirming Iran's sovereignty and invoking Article 51 of the UN Charter. This was met with applause in both the corridors of power and the bazaars and villages of Pakistan. For once, the state and the street were in sync. But behind closed doors, Islamabad's diplomats and generals worry—Pakistan shares a 900km harsh, mountainous, and often lawless border with Iran.

Strategic concerns

Iran is not just a neighbour; it is a partner in a complex, sometimes tense, but often essential relationship. They do not always see eye-to-eye. Earlier this year, Pakistan fired at terrorist units inside Iran after a spate of cross-border attacks by groups based in Iran's Sistan-Baluchestan province. Islamabad and Tehran locked horns, but quiet diplomacy soon led to de-escalation, joint border patrol talks, intelligence exchange, and an agreement to contain non-state actors.

Pakistan's military leaders are keen not to unpick the ties that allowed for that de-escalation, information-sharing, and joint problem-solving. "Stability in Iran is directly tied to stability in Balochistan," said one high-ranking officer, speaking on condition of anonymity. "But we are not fools. We know the region is a minefield. What we don't want is to get dragged into someone else's war."

Pakistan's National Security Committee (NSC), a powerful forum of civilian and military leaders, has convened since the Israeli assault on Iran. Surveillance at the border has increased, counter-terror units have been mobilised, drones are conducting longer and higher patrols, cyber security teams have been put on alert, and intelligence liaison with Iran has become more candid.

"We are trying to avoid escalation," said a source in Sharif's office. "But if Iran comes under sustained attack and if civilian deaths continue to mount, there will be pressure on Pakistan to do more." This is no idle threat from the only nuclear-armed Islamic country. Statements from Islamabad echo in Riyadh, Ankara, Kuala Lumpur, and Cairo, while its actions can shift diplomatic tides.

ATTA KENARE / AFP — Iranians work on a section of a pipeline after the project was launched during a ceremony with the presidents of Iran and Pakistan on March 11, 2013, in the Iranian border city of Chah Bahar.

Pipelines and trade

The Israel-Iran war threatens Pakistan's economic interests. The Iran-Pakistan (IP) gas pipeline—a long-stalled but strategically vital $7.5bn project—is in the crosshairs. Designed to take Iranian gas to Pakistan's energy-hungry cities, the IP has been a dream for over a decade, but was deferred in part due to US sanctions. With both states having been discussing a revival of the project, Israel's actions have changed the picture.

Israeli air strikes have reportedly damaged key oil and gas infrastructure in Iran, casting uncertainty on the project's viability. "We are pursuing all diplomatic channels, including requesting a sanctions waiver," said a senior official at Pakistan's Ministry of Energy. "We are also exploring creative trade models, such as barter and third-party mediation. But one thing is clear: we need energy, and Iran is the most logical supplier."

In early 2025, Pakistan and Iran recorded a modest increase in bilateral trade, with Pakistani rice, textiles, and surgical instruments flowing west, and Iranian gas, construction materials, and chemicals flowing east. Most bypass formal banking systems, relying on border barter systems along the Mirjaveh-Taftan crossing, yet even those routes now feel fragile.

Courage needed

Under attack from Israeli bombs, Iran now needs its allies more than ever. One Iranian diplomat, speaking off-the-record, said: "We trust Pakistan to speak the truth. But in the end, we need more than words. We need courage, even if quiet." Yet Pakistan will have to tread carefully. It is still reeling from economic shocks, IMF belt-tightening, and a volatile political environment.

Its military is powerful but overburdened. From anti-terror operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to border monitoring in Gilgit-Baltistan and the occasional outbreak of conflict with India, it has a lot on its plate. Meanwhile, the country's civilian leadership is trying to navigate between Gulf allies (who want to normalise ties with Israel), Washington (which wants Pakistan to stay neutral), and China (which prioritises trade).

We trust Pakistan to speak the truth. But in the end, we need more than words. We need courage, even if quiet.

Iranian diplomat, speaking off-the-record

Neutrality, however, does not mean indifference. Pakistan did not condemn Iranian missile strikes on Israel, and it refused to sign up to Western statements blaming Iran for inflaming tensions. This is the Pakistani tightrope: never fully aligning, but rooted in a moral opposition to Israeli aggression.

Its rivalry with India complicates things. New Delhi enjoys deepening security ties with Israel, from drones to cyber. Pakistani intelligence also believes that India is quietly helping Baloch separatists inside Iran destabilise Pakistan's western frontier. Earlier this month, Pakistan reportedly shared fresh intelligence with Tehran detailing joint Israeli-Indian efforts to sponsor anti-state militancy along the Baloch belt.

Silence and surrender

"We don't want Iran to become a battleground for our enemies," said a senior Pakistani security official privy to developments. "That's why we have to show solidarity—not just emotionally, but strategically." The symbolism matters too. Pakistan is predominately Sunni, whereas Iran is predominantly Shiite. This suggests that sovereignty trumps ideology, and that Muslim unity is imperfect but potent.

Iran has tried to do what few others in the region have dared: stand up to Israeli aggression, firm but not provocative, standing by one's principles but without seeking to draw fire. But the line between silence and surrender (which is what US President Donald Trump now demands of Iran) is razor thin. At the time of writing, Trump was due to meet Field Marshal Asim Munir, the powerful head of Pakistan's armed forces, with Iran top of the agenda.

Islamabad cannot afford to jump into another's war, nor can it stay silent. For Pakistan, Israel is an aggressor, Iran is a brother, and justice—if it still means anything—must not be one-sided. As diplomats scurry, Pakistanis pray and offer solidarity, from the alleys of Quetta to the imambargahs of Parachinar and the heated talk shows of the capital. The Pakistan-Iran bond is unbroken. Increasingly, though, the same cannot be said of Iran.

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