From fighters to farmers, Chinese Uyghurs settle in Syria

Thousands of Uyghurs from Western China spent 12 years in Syria fighting Islamist terrorists and Assad's army. With Assad gone, they are either incorporating into the Syrian military or civilian life.

Islamist-led rebels pose for a picture with a Syria army helicopter on the tarmac at the Nayrab military airport in the northern Syrian city of Aleppo on December 2, 2024, after a surprise lightning offensive on November 30.
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Islamist-led rebels pose for a picture with a Syria army helicopter on the tarmac at the Nayrab military airport in the northern Syrian city of Aleppo on December 2, 2024, after a surprise lightning offensive on November 30.

From fighters to farmers, Chinese Uyghurs settle in Syria

The Syrian government has commenced a strategic initiative to integrate thousands of foreign fighters into the Ministry of Defence through a newly established military unit, expected to be designated the 84th Division.

It follows extensive negotiations with Arab and Western nations (including the US) on the future of these combatants, many of whom once operated under Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Idlib-based organisation that led the push to oust the regime of former Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad in November and December of last year.

These fighters have since demonstrated discipline and alignment with both HTS’s former structure and the Syrian state, so Washington has endorsed the plan, US envoy Thomas Barrack recently telling Reuters that “there is understanding and transparency”. He described them as “deeply committed” to the current Syrian government and said their incorporation within the state’s framework was preferable to their marginalisation.

Mixed reception

The issue of foreign fighters is complex and divisive both domestically and internationally, and the proposal to integrate them into the Ministry of Defence sparked intense debate. Some Syrians are supportive, others are highly sceptical.

Central to this transitional policy is the significant contingent of Uyghur fighters from East Turkestan in Western China. These fighters represent over 90% of the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) in Syria and have been positioned in some of the most volatile and strategically sensitive regions of Idlib province and the coastal areas.

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Flag of East Turkestan on a military uniform.

According to sources, Damascus has engaged in prolonged negotiations with Washington, arguing that the carefully vetted fighters’ integration into the new national military was necessary to prevent further conflict, offering explicit guarantees that they would not participate in destabilising activities or cross-border operations. The US previously demanded that the foreign fighters be excluded from senior positions, and it remains unclear whether these demands have been quietly dropped.

Chinese arrivals

Uyghur fighters who once aligned with HTS in Idlib began arriving in Syria from China in 2013 to oppose the Assad regime. They established the TIP in Syria between 2014 and 15. This group shares its name and ideological roots with its affiliate in Afghanistan, which similarly relies on Uyghur combatants as its core force. In October 2020, Washington removed the TIP in Afghanistan from its list of designated terrorist organisations.

Unofficial estimates suggest the number of Uyghur fighters once stood at around 3,500, but current estimates put it at less than 3,000, owing to significant losses in battle. Most Uyghur fighters are based in Idlib and on the fringes of Latakia. As HTS began consolidating its military and administrative control in Idlib, the TIP aligned itself, emerging as a strategic partner.

The Uyghurs fought against Syrian regime forces and Iranian-backed militias in some of the most critical conflict zones. On the Jisr al-Shughur front, they were called "the first line of defence," earning a reputation for resilience in combat. Reports of coordination between the TIP's Syrian and Afghan branches have been consistently denied. They have stayed out of internal conflicts and refrained from clashing with other factions.

The proposal to integrate foreign fighters into the defence ministry sparked intense debate. Some were supportive, others highly sceptical.

Discipline and loyalty

Uyghurs in Syria have shown commitment to HTS's evolving political and military strategies, without dissent or defiance, and supported Ahmed al-Sharaa when he announced the severance of Jabhat al-Nusra's ties with Al-Qaeda. They fought alongside HTS against Islamic State (IS) cells and hardline Islamist factions such as Hurras al-Din, and against Syrian regime forces in the Turkmen and Kurdish mountains.

Their conduct has been marked by discipline, according to Idlib residents. They were actively engaged in the campaign to oust Assad, adhering to the operation's plans and following orders throughout the advance toward Damascus. After victory was declared, they withdrew and returned to their positions in Idlib, as instructed. The TIP later announced its dissolution and incorporation into Syria's Ministry of Defence.

This ideological and operational transformation may explain Washington's comfort with the idea of their resettlement in Syria, with US envoy Thomas Barrack saying they were "deeply committed" to the Syrian government. Once cross-border fighters, they are now a disciplined military faction bound to a territory foreign to them. They have played no role in operations beyond Syria's borders, nor facilitated the entry or influence of any other foreign powers into the country.

Calling Syria home

Uyghurs in Syria are even integrating into local life and culture, speaking Arabic and adapting to the civic rhythms and local customs of the communities they now call home. Those who have chosen to step away from military life have turned to occupations such as farming, commerce, and crafts.

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Uyghur farmers

While returning to western China could amount to a death sentence, Syria is a welcoming and familiar land—one where they can imagine themselves building a future. Residents of Idlib who have developed close ties with several Uyghurs working in agriculture and trade affirm this deep sense of belonging and rootedness.

In late December, just weeks after Assad flew to Russia, President Ahmed al-Sharaa promoted Abdulaziz Dawud Khodabardi—better known as Abu Muhammad Turkistani—to the rank of Brigadier General in the Syrian army. Khodabardi, who led the TIP's military wing, was promoted despite not having Syrian citizenship.

An unusual move of questionable legality, some believe the promotion was a symbolic gesture intended to reassure the Uyghurs of their continued value to the Syrian state and to acknowledge their longstanding alliance with HTS, as well as their role in the victory.

The 84th Division

Currently, discussions are underway within the Ministry of Defence regarding the formation of a new division specifically to accommodate Uyghur fighters who wish to continue serving in the Syrian military. The proposed unit incorporating foreign fighters is yet to be officially named, but it is widely believed that it will be designated the 84th Division and will be based in northern Syria.

Uyghurs fought alongside HTS against Islamic State, hard-line Islamist factions like Hurras al-Din, and the Syrian regime

According to sources, the government is unlikely to allow the division to be composed solely of Uyghurs, given that such a configuration could spark controversy, particularly amid ongoing negotiations with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the north-east and military factions in Suwayda. Both groups want to maintain distinct identities within the Syrian military, a demand rejected by the Syrian government as a potential threat to national unity and centralised authority.

Integrating non-Syrians into the armed forces suggests a path towards eventual citizenship, but raises sensitive questions about the army's future identity and organisational structure. The Ministry of Defence is reportedly conducting a broader assessment of the military's hierarchy and the redistribution of its divisions.

Damascus is treading carefully with its integration of foreign fighters as it seeks to uphold its understandings with the US, reassure the Syrian public, reassure both regional and Western powers, and stay aligned with the negotiation strategies employed in talks with the SDF, Suwayda factions, and former rebel groups in Daraa. Likewise, it does not want to encourage other foreign fighters, particularly from hardline factions like Hurras al-Din, which HTS has dismantled in Idlib.

The government must convince Syrians that the country's reformed national army will not become a patchwork of ethnic or foreign enclaves, but rather a unified institution serving the interests of a sovereign state, goals the Uyghurs share.

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