Syria's sectarian violence is a ticking time bomb

The latest violence against Druze is yet another example of the danger of failing to address sectarian fissures, leaving Syria's fragile transitional process dangerously exposed

A boy checks a destroyed vehicle in Ashrafiyat Sahnaya near Damascus on May 1, 2025.
OMAR HAJ KADOUR / AFP
A boy checks a destroyed vehicle in Ashrafiyat Sahnaya near Damascus on May 1, 2025.

Syria's sectarian violence is a ticking time bomb

Yet another alarming episode of violence has recently erupted in Syria. Tensions first erupted over the weekend of 25 April, when a voice recording containing insults toward the Prophet Muhammad circulated widely on social media. Not long after, Druze students living in university housing in Homs were attacked and beaten by fellow students.

Damascus authorities quickly announced the arrest of those involved in the assault, believing the situation had been contained. In reality, it was only the beginning. Within hours, the backlash to the recording spread to Jaramana and Sahnaya in Rural Damascus, where unidentified armed groups launched attacks on both towns, clashing with local Druze fighters and government security forces.

Even after both the accused and the transitional authorities publicly denied the authenticity of the recording and promised to hold perpetrators accountable, the violence persisted and spread to parts of Sweida province. While official casualty figures have not been released, reports confirm fatalities among local Druze fighters and members of the Damascus government’s General Security Service.

REUTERS/Yamam Al Shaar
Road signs are seen at the entrance of the Druze town of Sahnaya, Syria, May 1, 2025.

Not the first time

While this is the first large-scale, indiscriminate attack against the Druze community, it is not the first sectarian-motivated violence to occur since the ousting of the Assad regime. In March, violence against Alawite communities was sparked by coordinated attacks from remnants of the former regime, resulting in the deaths of over 13 security personnel in Latakia. The retaliatory response to these attacks was sectarian in nature.

Videos circulating on social media depict excessive force, field executions, and mass killings motivated by revenge and sectarian tensions, particularly in Latakia and Tartus. The Syrian Network for Human Rights has documented the killing of at least 803 people in Latakia, Hama, Tartous, and Homs between 6 March and 10 March. The casualties included 172 government forces and 211 civilians killed by pro-Assad forces, alongside at least 420 civilians and “disarmed militants” killed by armed forces aligned with Damascus.

Syria’s interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa's initial response was promising. He acknowledged the violations committed by armed forces and established a committee to investigate and hold perpetrators accountable. However, the committee’s findings have not yet been disclosed, leaving the perpetrators feeling somewhat immune, at least for the time being.

While the immediate violence has been de-escalated through several agreements with notables in Druze-majority areas, the incident reveals risks that go far beyond the events of the past week. The fact that an apparently fake audio recording could trigger such swift and deadly violence is what makes this episode especially alarming.

It reveals just how fragile Syria’s current situation is — how easily a single spark can destabilise entire communities. Relatedly, it highlights the deep, unresolved sectarian tensions fueled by years of conflict, systematic demonisation of the “other”, and cycles of revenge. The episode also underscores that the recent mass violations against Alawite communities, though sparked by different circumstances, were rooted in the same festering sectarianism that continues to drive instability.

Each unresolved sectarian episode further erodes social cohesion, deepens mistrust, and lays the groundwork for the next confrontation

Moreover, it shows how superficial gestures of inclusivity, unity, and symbolic community engagement are destined to fail in stabilising the country while ignoring these deeply embedded divisions. This crisis also makes clear that repeated public promises to hold perpetrators accountable mean little when they neither deter future violence nor offer any real assurance or protection to those who feel threatened.

Ticking time bomb

While it's important to acknowledge the enormous challenges and competing priorities facing Syria's transitional authorities, addressing these underlying sectarian tensions is an urgent task that cannot be delayed. However, this responsibility extends far beyond the capacity of the recently established three-member Civil Peace Committee, which lacks both the expertise and resources to confront a crisis of this complexity and scale. It would be wiser for the transitional authorities to recognise, sooner rather than later, the need for external technical and institutional support to develop a comprehensive, credible strategy for tackling this multi-layered problem.

In addition to developing a comprehensive strategy, the authorities urgently need support to put in place clear, systematic measures for monitoring hate speech and sectarian incitement, identifying those responsible, and holding them to account. These efforts must be complemented by early warning mechanisms capable of detecting risks before they escalate into violence, giving authorities the critical time needed to intervene. Equally important is the urgent establishment of clear, enforceable laws that criminalise such acts—a step that remains long overdue.

Alongside legal reforms, developing robust, proactive security protocols is essential to enable authorities to respond swiftly to emerging threats and safeguard vulnerable communities. For example, dispatching additional, disciplined security forces to the outskirts of Druze-majority areas in Rural Damascus, when Druze students were attacked in Homs for their religious identity, could have prevented rogue fighters from entering these areas, triggering violence, and terrorising residents.

REUTERS/Yamam Al Shaar
Syrian security forces check vehicles at the entrance of the Druze town of Sahnaya, Syria, May 1, 2025.

Visible, effective protection measures would send a crucial signal to at-risk communities that the state is serious about ensuring their safety—a vital step in curbing the unchecked spread of weapons and rebuilding public trust in national institutions.

Accountability must be a central pillar of this approach. Those responsible for inciting violence online, as well as those who carried out attacks, must face real consequences. Doing so would not only help restore public faith in the transitional authorities and their commitment to the rule of law but also send a clear, uncompromising message that violence and sectarian incitement will no longer be tolerated.

The cost of inaction

Without these measures, Syria's fragile transitional process will remain dangerously exposed, repeatedly undermined by the same sectarian fractures it continues to sidestep. Rapidly containing outbreaks of violence may prevent immediate escalation, but it leaves deeper wounds unhealed. Each unresolved episode further erodes social cohesion, deepens mistrust, and lays the groundwork for the next confrontation, inevitably larger and more destabilising.

Damascus must act decisively and without delay if it hopes to repair these fractures, prevent future unrest, and build a Syria where all its citizens feel they belong. This is not merely a matter of coexistence; it is fundamental to the survival of the country's fragile transition and the prospects for a sustainable, inclusive recovery. Failure to do so risks trapping Syria in a relentless cycle of violence, fragmentation, and missed opportunities for lasting peace.

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