Security along the Syrian coast is a work-in-progress

Weapons caches, investigations into killings, ongoing raids and kidnappings, coordinated assaults, roadblocks, and sporadic fighting does not instil confidence, but some residents see reason to hope.

A security officer loyal to the interim Syrian government guards a checkpoint previously held by supporters of deposed president, Bashar al-Assad, in the town of Hmeimim, in the coastal province of Latakia, on March 11, 2025.
OMAR HAJ KADOUR / AFP
A security officer loyal to the interim Syrian government guards a checkpoint previously held by supporters of deposed president, Bashar al-Assad, in the town of Hmeimim, in the coastal province of Latakia, on March 11, 2025.

Security along the Syrian coast is a work-in-progress

More than a month has passed since fighting along the Syrian coast led to hundreds of deaths, both security personnel and civilians, but the security situation remains far from stable. Government forces are still being ambushed, while security units are still conducting raids on the homes of former regime loyalists suspected of involvement in the coordinated attack against security forces in early March.

This coastal region was once considered a bastion of the Syrian regime and a refuge for many implicated in the killing of civilians over recent years, so the recent unrest has deeply affected local morale, causing fear among residents.

A General Security official, speaking to Al Majalla, described its efforts as “essential to stabilise the region, reassure civilians, and ensure their safety, while simultaneously preventing remnants of the former regime from regaining the capacity to launch another coup attempt against the will of the Syrian people”.

How it began

The coastal unrest began in the village of Beit Ana, in rural Latakia, when unidentified gunmen opened fire on General Security personnel in an effort to prevent the arrest of individuals wanted for criminal activity. A series of coordinated attacks and ambushes along key roads in the Jableh countryside near Latakia followed.

In response, a coalition of governmental and non-governmental Syrian forces moved rapidly to the coast to counter the resurgence of regime loyalists and curtail their operations, but the situation swiftly descended into lawlessness, with indiscriminate violence and civilian casualties.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa acknowledged the violations committed against civilians and pledged to hold the perpetrators accountable. On 9 March, he established an independent national committee tasked with investigating the abuses, as well as another dedicated to preserving civil peace.

REUTERS/Karam al-Masri
People walk past damaged vehicles, as Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa grapples with the fallout from reported mass killings of Alawite minority members, in Jableh, Syria March 12, 2025.

Read more: Syria coastal violence: A critical test for Sharaa's government

Anas Airoot, a member of the latter, spoke to Al Majalla. “We have passed through the most difficult phase and the period of fear,” said Airoot. “People have returned to their villages, homes, and jobs. Life is returning to normal.” At meetings, people have “voiced grievances and proposed solutions... these gatherings have helped mend rifts between communities and, thank God, progress is being made.”

A strong presence of Syrian government forces has led to a drop in violence, but a palpable sense of fear still hangs over the region. Al Majalla spoke to several residents from coastal regions, including Latakia, Baniyas, Tartus, and Jableh, which revealed four dominant perspectives currently shaping public opinion.

Some civilians felt that the government was doing all it could to restore security and prevent remnants of the Assad regime from launching another coordinated assault, while others acknowledged an improvement but still felt this was inadequate, warning that the threat of renewed violence still looms large.

Syria’s weapons depot

Alaa, a resident of Jableh, said the current security climate was “much better” than during the clashes between General Security forces and pro-Assad fighters in March, adding that “everyone on the coast knows about the vast stockpiles of weapons held by former regime elements that could wreak havoc on civilians... We can see the effort General Security is putting into ensuring these weapons are not turned against us”.

Yasmin, from Tartus, echoed that. “Not a day passes without news of General Security confiscating hidden weapons,” she said. “Just imagine if Assadist remnants were given another chance to use them.”

Omar and Raed, from Latakia, agreed that the current situation was “better” than under Bashar al-Assad’s rule, when people were killed daily without consequence or inquiry. “The coastal region went through tragic events in March,” said Raed, “but today, the reality is improved, and security has returned to the city.”

Not a day passes without news of hidden weapons being confiscated. Imagine if Assadist remnants got another chance to use them.

Yasmin, from Tartus

Layal said she thought the Syrian government was "doing everything it can to prevent destabilisation" by al-Assad supporters, but said: "We must understand the government's limitations. The responsibility to establish civil peace and safety falls on all of us. Regime remnants and their backers—Russia and Iran—do not want us to live in peace."

Khaled, from Latakia, said the coast was "the largest weapons depot in Syria," noting how the Assad regime "stockpiled vast quantities of arms" there. He warned that those who once supported al-Assad still have the potential to replicate the March attacks. Indeed, General Security personnel are operating cautiously, given their unfamiliarity with the coastal terrain and a shortage of manpower.

Tensions persist

Rama, from Jableh, said "kidnappings and sectarian tensions persist, and reports of killings continue to emerge… We do not want protection from Russia, Iran, or anyone else. What we need are real promises and more decisive action from the government so we can live in safety… Government efforts on the ground remain ambiguous."

Most people in Jableh are "simple citizens seeking security," she said. "Under the regime, they were among the powerless—like all Syrians." Rawan, also from Jableh, said: "Fear still lingers among members of the Alawite community. Many only leave their homes when absolutely necessary… They want the state to do more to restore safety."

Salma, from Mazayrat in rural Latakia, concurred that fear "still dominates," citing "an absence of normal movement between rural and urban areas and the avoidance of roads with checkpoints… Fear is especially acute at night. Any unexpected sound or a car with unfamiliar number plates can cause alarm. Lawless factions effectively hold sway, and the government has been unable to curb their influence."

For Salma, the solution lies in "returning military forces to their barracks, removing foreign elements from the coast, and rebuilding institutions—particularly General Security—on a national, non-sectarian foundation." She added that a local police force should be composed of locals who would be "respectful of the area's cultural identity and individual religious freedoms".

Calls for protection

Since the regime's fall on 8 December 2024, many have called for foreign protection—perhaps Russian or French—under the pretext of safeguarding minorities. These appeals intensified during the bloodshed along the coast, with hundreds gathering outside Russia's Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia bearing slogans like: "The people want Russian protection."

While such requests have waned with the de-escalation of violence and a return to relative normality, they have not disappeared entirely. Shadi, from Hmeimim, said: "Many locals today are trying to get Russian approval to travel to Russia via Hmeimim and apply for asylum there, as they see Russia as a protector."

He added that others "believe the solution lies in continuing public appeals for Russian support and protection of the coastal region, pursuing a collective solution rather than an individual one… Russia is ultimately driven by political interests and will abandon anyone expecting protection once its objectives with the new Syrian government are met. That's a reality many fail to recognise."

Aliya, from Latakia, said former regime figures now engaged in reconciliation processes believe Russia "could serve as a shield against future attacks". Salma thought civilians in the Mazayrat district would either welcome foreign assistance "under the guise of protection," or else oppose any foreign involvement.

Imad, from rural Tartus, described the security situation as "uncomfortable," adding: "I don't favour foreign support, we prefer internal support. But if the state cannot deliver, then foreign assistance becomes necessary."

Mohammad Jaber, a former commander of the Desert Hawks militia affiliated with the Syrian regime, holds dual Russian-Syrian citizenship and currently lives in Russia. In a TV interview in early April, he said armed groups on the Syrian coast had fought under his command during the clashes with General Security.

OMAR HAJ KADOUR / AFP
A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama following its capture.

Reconciliation centres

Once al-Assad fled, the newly established Syrian Ministry of Defence began setting up reconciliation centres across the country. These centres were designed to offer former regime soldiers a pathway to surrender their weapons and reintegrate into civilian life, provided they had not committed crimes against the Syrian people.

Many handed in their guns, completing reconciliation processes at the designated centres, but others refused to relinquish their weapons, citing the fragile security situation and a continued need for self-defence. Others opted to sell their guns, some of which had been seized from the fleeing Syrian army.

Community leaders in the coastal areas facilitated the weapons amnesty, which met with considerable success in several villages along the coast. This is good news for Damascus—limiting access to weapons is key to the government's efforts to restore security along the Syrian coast.

Imad, from rural Tartus, and Rama from Jableh, said all residents in their areas had surrendered their weapons, rendering the neighbourhoods virtually free of personal arms, but Rama was yet to be convinced. "Although I dislike weapons, I wish people had kept at least one for self-protection in case tensions flare up again," she said.

On 25 March, residents of Qardaha in rural Latakia handed over a large cache of suicide drones as part of an agreement brokered between local leaders and the Civil Peace Committee, while residents of the Hamidiyah district in rural Tartus surrendered their weapons under a similar arrangement with General Security. Other districts and villages across the coast reached comparable agreements.

Analysts still question how many weapons are still being hidden along the Syrian coast and what can be done to make sure there is no repetition of the March violence. To guard against that, leaders in Damascus are pursuing multiple strategies.

They include prosecuting those responsible for crimes via the Independent National Committee for Investigating Violations, and intensifying General Security's efforts to apprehend remnants of the former regime who may contribute to further destabilisation.

We prefer internal support. But if the state cannot deliver, then foreign assistance becomes necessary.

Imad, from rural Tartus

Airoot, a member of the Higher Committee for the Preservation of Civil Peace, said: "We urge all sects to recognise that this country belongs to them all, and to coexist in a manner that reflects their shared reality, under the umbrella of the state and the rule of law. We are governed by a legal system in which all are equal. Aggressors, wrongdoers, and criminals are held accountable, regardless of their affiliations."

He warned that some were "sowing discord among sects and fuelling chaos and strife," adding: "Pay them no heed. They will continue in their efforts, but nothing satisfies them except ongoing chaos and conflict in the country."

Rebuilding trust

On 10 April, al-Sharaa extended an investigative committee's mandate by three months, following the submission of its preliminary report into the violence that took place in March.

According to information obtained by Al Majalla, the Independent National Committee for Investigating Violations is interviewing residents in the Baniyas region (where several violations reportedly took place), collecting evidence and analysing testimonies. Committee member Yasser Al-Farhan said the findings would be announced once they were supported by compelling evidence and legal reasoning.

On 16 April, Interior Minister Anas Khattab said a "coup attempt planned by a group of officers from the fallen regime has been thwarted and now belongs to the past, thanks to the efforts of our forces and our people".

In this context, establishing security and rebuilding trust among Syrians is a formidable challenge, especially since al-Assad spent decades fostering fear and mistrust among various social groups, thereby weakening their confidence in one another and in their collective ability to forge a Syria built on justice and equality.

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