Rejection and red flags: Syria's new government off to shaky start

To be successful, Syria needs genuine representation to make all citizens feel included—not token appointees to check the "diversity" box

This handout picture released by the official Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) shows Syria's new Minister of Social Affairs and Labour Minister Hind Kabawat during an official ceremony in Damascus on March 29, 2025.
AFP
This handout picture released by the official Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) shows Syria's new Minister of Social Affairs and Labour Minister Hind Kabawat during an official ceremony in Damascus on March 29, 2025.

Rejection and red flags: Syria's new government off to shaky start

Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa last week announced a new transitional government, nearly four months after he toppled the Assad regime. The appointment of younger ministers and the inclusion of a substantial number of independent technocrats and professionals mark a notable shift from the previous caretaker authorities, which were dominated by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).

While the government’s formation has been welcomed by many, it has also sparked concerns—particularly regarding the negligible participation of women (only one minister) and the backgrounds of some ministers.

Despite its broad acceptance both within and outside Syria, key political actors remain opposed. Kurdish political groups in the northeast and the military council in Sweida, along with other local actors in the governorate, have outright rejected the new government, arguing that it is controlled by al-Sharaa’s inner circle and fails to reflect Syria’s diversity or political plurality.

This rejection is a significant setback for the new president, undermining his recent progress in integrating these regions under his administration. Without compromise, efforts to unify the country peacefully will be severely weakened, deepening divisions and increasing the risk of further instability.

On Saturday, 29 March, the 23-member transitional cabinet was unveiled during a ceremony in Damascus. While HTS and its affiliates retained control of nine ministries, the remaining positions were filled by independent technocrats and civil society figures, offering a mix of professional expertise and community representation.

Agencies
Raed al-Saleh at the United Nations.

Among the most notable appointees is Raed al-Saleh, leader of the White Helmets, who was named Minister of Emergency Situations and Disasters. Hind Kabawat, an opposition figure and civil society advocate, was appointed Minister of Social Affairs and Labor.

Amid growing international pressure for an inclusive transition, the new government includes four ministers from Syria’s minority groups—a Christian, a Druze, a Kurd, and an Alawite—one of whom is a woman. While concerns remain, both international and Syrian observers, analysts, and citizens have largely welcomed the announcement with cautious optimism, viewing it as a meaningful step in Syria’s political transition.

Despite this, key actors in Sweida and northeast Syria—the two main regions still outside al-Sharaa’s administration—immediately rejected the new government. The Kurdish-led autonomous administration in the northeast and the Kurdish National Council—the two most influential Kurdish political blocs—declared that they do not recognise the transitional government’s legitimacy or authority.

Meanwhile, in Sweida, opposition was formalised through a statement from its military council, which reportedly includes various armed factions and is aligned with prominent Druze religious leader Hekmat al-Hajari.

Main grievances

While these actors have announced their opposition separately, the reasons cited are strikingly similar. Private conversations with sources close to these groups reveal that the primary grievance is that they were not consulted before the government was formed. They say that without prior discussion on participation and representation, the transitional government does not reflect Syria's diversity or political plurality.

The two most influential Kurdish political blocs said they don't recognise the government's legitimacy or authority

The sources emphasised that the inclusion of a Christian, a Druze, a Kurd, and an Alawite in the government reflects the regime's superficial approach to religious and ethnic representation. They made it clear that appointing individuals from these communities does not equate to genuine representation, as there are no guarantees that these ministers will push for their communities' interests, rights, and aspirations simply by virtue of their background.

Anticipating such criticisms, al-Sharaa addressed these concerns in a speech on the occasion of Eid al-Fitr. He stated that the government's composition was intended to reflect Syria's diverse society while rejecting a quota-based system for religious or ethnic minorities. He emphasised that ministers were chosen based on their competence and expertise—regardless of their ideological or political affiliations—with the primary goal of rebuilding the country. He acknowledged that despite the thorough deliberation and consideration involved in forming the new government, it will not be able to satisfy everyone.

Red flags

While the criticism over a lack of consultation is not widely echoed outside these groups, some of their other concerns resonate with residents in other areas. A key issue is the underrepresentation of women in the transitional government, which fails to reflect the aspirations of many Syrians—both women and men. The new government includes only one female minister, highlighting a significant gap in gender representation.

Another major concern is the dominance of HTS and its affiliated Salvation Government, which control nine ministries, including the crucial portfolios of Interior, Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Justice. The backgrounds of some appointed ministers have also raised red flags. Among them is Justice Minister Mazhar al-Wais, whose lack of formal legal education and "Salafist" ideological background have sparked fears that he may prioritise religious jurisprudence over legal rights.

Additionally, the appointment of Anas Khattab as Interior Minister has drawn significant criticism. Concerns stem from his tenure as the head of HTS's General Security Apparatus in Idlib, during which the agency was accused of widespread human rights violations. Moreover, Khattab was designated as a terrorist by the United States in 2012 and by the United Nations in 2014, which could severely complicate diplomatic efforts and limit the ministry's ability to engage with international partners.

AFP
This handout picture released by the official Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) shows Syria's new Interior Minister, Anas Khattab, during an official ceremony in Damascus on March 29, 2025.

The escalation in rhetoric against the new government comes at a critical moment, just as promising agreements were signed with key actors in northeast Syria and Sweida. These agreements had raised hopes for a peaceful path toward national unity.

On 10 March, al-Sharaa signed an agreement with the Self-Administration to integrate all civil and military institutions in northeast Syria under the administration of the Syrian state. A similar deal was announced with Druze representatives from Sweida, aimed at bringing the governorate into state institutions.

However, the success of both agreements depends on resolving key issues, primarily the retention of military and administrative autonomy in these regions—a demand that Damascus strongly opposes.

The rejection of the new government and the tensions it has sparked will likely make negotiations even more difficult. Given these challenges, any final agreement may necessitate a government reshuffle—or even the formation of a completely new administration—an outcome that al-Sharaa would likely seek to avoid.

Critics say the choice of minorities in the new government reflects its superficial approach to representation

High stakes

The stakes could not be higher. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) control an estimated 100,000 well-trained and well-equipped fighters, making them the most formidable military force outside government control. Their command over Syria's most resource-rich areas presents a major opportunity to stabilise the country's shattered economy—if reintegration efforts succeed. However, failure to reach a political settlement could push the situation toward renewed conflict—a scenario that would be devastating for all sides.

While Sweida lacks the military strength of the SDF, external factors add another layer of volatility. Israel has a vested interest in keeping Syria divided and its government weak. In the event of confrontation, Israel could extend protection to Sweida—whether or not its residents explicitly seek such support. Such a scenario would not only destabilise Syria but also risk redrawing regional alliances and triggering unpredictable geopolitical shifts.

Read more: Israel's risky gamble as "defender" of Syria's minorities

With Syria's future on the line, the path forward demands patience, diplomacy, and mutual concessions. The alternative—continued division, instability, or outright war—would undo any progress toward a unified and sovereign Syria. Now is the time for pragmatic leadership, not reckless brinkmanship.

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