Lebanon: The dawn of a Third Republic?

Will the country’s stakeholders be able to breathe new life into the Lebanese state, or will we see the birth of an entirely new one?

Lebanon: The dawn of a Third Republic?

The ceasefire agreement brokered by the United States and France between Israel and Hezbollah marks a key turning point for Lebanon. The ceasefire is intended to be permanent but gives Hezbollah and Israel 60 days to implement it, in which both parties are to withdraw from southern Lebanon. During this period, the Lebanese army and UNIFIL forces will slowly step in to fill the vacuum.

Lebanese citizens displaced from their villages along the southern border would then be allowed to return, and parliament would convene to elect a new president and government, after which reconstruction efforts could commence.

If this agreement—reached after painstaking negotiations and over a year of Hezbollah’s "war of support" for Gaza—proves durable, it may pave the way for Lebanon to either return to the foundational principles of its republic or usher in a new era entirely. Will stakeholders be able to breathe new life into the Lebanese state, or will we see the birth of an entirely new one?

Al Majalla explores this question from different angles and perspectives while also laying out potential scenarios. We also zoom in on the role of the Lebanese army. As it steps into a more authoritative role, we ask: will it be able to shoulder the enormous responsibility it has been thrust into? Meanwhile, we look at the prospects for Lebanon’s Shiite community after Hezbollah’s string of setbacks in recent months. How will this integral community fit into a redefined political landscape?

First Republic

The Lebanese Republic was established under the French Mandate, predating the sectarian power-sharing system now integral to Lebanon’s political framework. Its foundation dates back to 1926, when the first constitution was adopted. Charles Debbas, a Catholic lawyer, was elected as the Republic’s first president, while a Maronite Christian held the position of prime minister.

As the Lebanese army steps into a more authoritative role, we ask: can it shoulder the enormous responsibility?

Some argue that the First Republic was established in 1926 and saw a succession of Christian presidents until Sheikh Bechara El Khoury's election in 1943. El Khoury formed an alliance with his Sunni prime minister, Riad Al Solh, and together they crafted the unwritten National Pact. This pact allocated the presidency to the Maronites, the premiership to the Sunnis, and the parliamentary speakership to the Shiites. Notably, Saeb Salam, in his memoirs, recounted that Sabri Hamadeh was appointed speaker of the legislature in 1943 due to his seniority among MPs rather than his Shiite affiliation. As a result, many view the National Pact, which coincided with the Declaration of Independence on 21 November 1943, as the foundation of the First Republic.

Second Republic

However, if the First Republic is defined as beginning in 1943, one must then consider whether it ended with the outbreak of the civil war in 1975 or continued until the Taif Agreement of 1989, which ended the conflict and paved the way for the establishment of the Second Republic.

In this context, could the First Republic be defined as the period from 1943 to 1975, the Second Republic from 1975 to 1989, and the Third Republic from 1989 to the present?

Perhaps the defining characteristics of the current republic, regardless of its designation, include the Taif Agreement, which shifted power towards the Sunni prime minister at the expense of the Christian president, and the Syrian presence, which concluded after the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005. Additional key events include the July 2006 war and the increasing influence of Hezbollah—both domestically and regionally—helping extend Iran's reach.

A clear defeat

Despite claims of victory, Hezbollah has been significantly defeated. First, it was forced to decouple a ceasefire in Lebanon with a ceasefire in Gaza; Israel systematically took out its top leadership brass, including the group's longstanding Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah; its communication and command structures were dismantled; it was forced to comply with UN Resolution 1701, which pushes its presence behind the Litani River; its arms flow has been disrupted; and it is prohibited from producing missiles. However, perhaps the biggest blow to Hezbollah was the heavy human and economic toll Israel exacted on its support base.

As Iran and Hezbollah's dominance diminishes, Israel's ambition and confidence grows

As Iran and Hezbollah's dominance diminishes, Israel's ambition and confidence grows. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will be sure to capitalise on his close relationship with US President-elect Donald Trump to ensure Hezbollah will not get another chance to rearm or rebuild its military capabilities and exert a campaign of "maximum pressure" on Iran—his staunchest adversary.

Meanwhile, Israel can now turn its attention back on Gaza while choosing to hit Lebanon whenever it feels a violation has not been appropriately addressed—a prospect that Hezbollah, and even the Lebanese state itself, may not be willing to accept.

This begs several critical questions: How will these developments shape Lebanon's political landscape? What roles will regional and international powers assume in either restoring the old political framework or crafting a new one? Why has Hezbollah's new secretary-general, Naim Qassem, refrained from acknowledging the defeat, in contrast to Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's candid admission after the 1967 war? Moreover, why do Hezbollah and Iran's supporters continue to claim victory?

In addition to the cover story on Lebanon and the special feature on Trump's election, this issue features a diverse range of articles, analyses, and interviews spanning topics such as politics, economics, science, and culture.

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