Starmer and Sunak gear up for UK polls with Labour in the lead

The leader of the opposition Labour Party, Keir Starmer, who is far ahead in the polls, is claiming the mantle of change.

With an election now looking likely at some point this year, how are the two candidates likely to approach 2024, and can anything stop what looks like Labour's inevitable victory?
Majalla
With an election now looking likely at some point this year, how are the two candidates likely to approach 2024, and can anything stop what looks like Labour's inevitable victory?

Starmer and Sunak gear up for UK polls with Labour in the lead

After the eerie calm of the Christmas holidays, the New Year began with Britain’s two leading politicians each making key speeches that look like the starter pistol for a likely general election in 2024.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, leader of the ruling Conservative party, has cast himself as the continuity candidate. His speech on 8 January urged voters to “stick with the plan” and that the country was “pointing in the right direction.”

In contrast, his rival, the leader of the opposition Labour Party, Keir Starmer, who is far ahead in the polls, is claiming the mantle of change. A few days earlier, he said, the Conservatives have “nothing good to show” after 14 years in office, insisting, “they can't change Britain.”

It is perhaps inevitable that in an election, the incumbent will try to emphasise their office successes while their opponent emphasises the changes they will bring.

Yet British politics has not been so straightforward. In fact, it is Sunak who, until recently, claimed to be the radical, as were many in his party who oversaw the changes brought about by Brexit.

Starmer, in contrast, has been remarkably cautious. Many of his supporters worry that he has said too little about how Labour would change the UK once in power, relying instead on the unpopularity of Sunak.

With an election now looking likely at some point this year, how are the two candidates likely to approach 2024, and can anything stop what looks like Labour’s inevitable victory?

AFP
Britain's main opposition Labour Party leader Keir Starmer (L), and Britain's Prime Minister Rishi Sunak (R) attend the Remembrance Sunday ceremony at the Cenotaph on Whitehall in central London, on November 13, 2022.

An election in 2024?

By law, the UK must hold a general election by 28 January 2025, at the very latest. However, the Prime Minister has the privilege of setting the date, which Sunak can do at any time before then.

This advantage has allowed prime ministers in the past to call an early election at a time when they are ahead in the polls or, alternatively, delay the vote as long as possible in the hope that their popularity might pick up.

This latter position is where Sunak finds himself now. The last election, called early by then Prime Minister Boris Johnson, saw the Conservatives win an overwhelming victory, taking 365 seats in parliament to Labour’s near-record low 202.

But since then, Conservative popularity has plummeted. Johnson made several high-profile errors during the Covid pandemic, not least overseeing a culture of rule-breaking within his own team that saw videos of staffers partying at 10 Downing Street while the rest of the country was in lockdown.

After disgruntled Conservative MPs forced him out, Johnson’s successor, Liz Truss, was a disaster.

In office for only 49 days, she introduced radical tax cuts that increased interest rates and worsened inflation and the cost-of-living crisis, prompting the Conservatives, once again, to ditch their leader, damaging their reputation for both economic competence and political stability.

The leader of the opposition Labour Party, Keir Starmer, who is far ahead in the polls, is claiming the mantle of change.

Since Sunak took over in October 2022, he has steadied the ship somewhat, although infighting within the Conservatives remains as the different factions that variously backed Johnson and Truss continue to criticise the new leader.

The premier has made several attempts to restore his party's credibility but has struggled to make up ground on Labour, who surged ahead in the polls during the end of Johnson's tenure.

Keir Starmer now regularly commands 18-point leads, a position that could deliver a landslide victory if repeated at a general election. Reinforcing this has been a series of by-elections that the Conservatives have lost to Labour.

Most recently, in October 2023, Labour won two parliamentary seats, including what was believed to be the biggest shift in support in a by-election since 1945.

It, therefore, makes sense for Sunak to delay the election, recognising that, at present, he is headed for a humiliating defeat.

While many insiders in parliament believed he would call a vote in May 2024, he recently suggested his "working assumption" was that it would be in the second half of the year. Former Conservative Chancellor George Osborne has speculated it will be on 14 November.

This gives Sunak more time to revise his pitch to the UK public, having failed to make much of an impression so far. It also, however, gives Starmer room to make mistakes or, of course, to extend his lead further.

Read more: Keir Starmer: Former human rights lawyer and next UK premier?

Sunak's woes

If this is to be an election year, Sunak goes into it still way behind in the polls. His approval rating is -17%, Starmer's is +8%, and his party is 20% behind Labour.

In September 2023, Sunak attempted to claw back some popularity by rebranding himself at the Conservative Party Conference. Despite his party having been in power since 2010, Sunak presented himself as the change candidate, announcing policies aimed at persuading disillusioned Conservative voters to come back.

These included cutting the expansion of the HS2 railway to Manchester to save money and diluting the UK's commitments to Net Zero: pushing back the phasing out of petrol cars from 2030 to 2035.

Alongside these departures from past pledges by Conservative governments that he believed were unpopular with the party's core supporters, he doubled down on anti-migration rhetoric and policies aimed at wooing right-wing voters. 

Michelle Thompson

Read more: Britain's asylum scheme endangers government's survival

Despite Britain's supreme court ruling that the government's long-standing scheme to send asylum seekers to Rwanda was unlawful, Sunak has drafted legislation to revive the plan in some capacity. He has faced flak from right-wing Conservative MPs, including Truss, who argue the new laws aren't tough enough.

Yet this has still not had the desired effect. Sunak is still far behind in the polls in key electoral battleground areas, even among Conservative voters.

Pollsters Redfield and Wilton reported in November that Labour enjoyed a 24% in 'Red Wall' seats – those that were traditionally Labour but won by the Conservatives in 2019 – and a 4% lead in 'Blue Wall' seats – those that have traditionally been Conservative but now might switch to Labour or the third party, the Liberal Democrats.

This might explain Sunak's latest reinvention as the continuity candidate. In a rare piece of good news for the Prime Minister, inflation has finally begun to fall, dropping to 3.9% in November after reaching highs of 10% earlier in the year.

Analysts are hoping this will cause interest rates to drop too. With a recent tax cut also due to come online this month, Sunak hopes that voters will see their economic conditions improve by the end of the year.

As with his distant predecessor, John Major, who surprisingly won the 1992 election by warning voters not to risk a nascent economic recovery by electing Labour, Sunak hopes the economy might come to his aid, and he can claim to be responsible for any upturn.

Sunak is still far behind in the polls in key electoral battleground areas, even among Conservative voters.

Starmer's caution

With his commanding lead in the polls, Starmer has not had to be as politically acrobatic as the prime minister. The Labour leader's speech in early January was primarily about delivering a message rather than a list of election promises.

Recognising that the Conservatives' recent troubles in government have made many disillusioned with politicians, Starmer said voters were "right to be anti-Westminster" but that a vote for him was a rejection of "the low-road cynicism that the Tories (Conservatives) believe is all you deserve."

This is consistent with Starmer's approach since becoming leader. He has proven effective at highlighting the Conservatives' weakness, a job made easier by their repeated mistakes. However, he has been less forthcoming about what he would do differently.

A few proposed policies have emerged.

In the New Year, he revealed a 'Child Health plan', which would focus on preventing children from getting sick and therefore becoming a burden on the National Health Service, including compulsory toothbrushing at school and nursery. Likewise, he has promised increased investment in the green economy and innovative measures such as using AI in the Health Service.

However, these are hardly revolutionary, and even some of these pledges have been watered down. For example, Starmer recently stated he would sooner break his pledge to spend £28bn on green projects if it meant breaking another pledge to reduce government borrowing.

Indeed, fiscal responsibility is one of Starmer's key missions. With Labour holding a somewhat unfair reputation for being financially unreliable, its leader wants to emphasise that he will place economic stability at the heart of his plans in government.

With the Conservatives, especially Truss, having done considerable economic damage, currently being felt by voters, this is an easy message to sell.

While green shoots of economic recovery might help Sunak narrow the gap when the election comes, it would take a highly unlikely economic transformation to shift the dial all the way back to the Conservatives.

Starmer has been effective at highlighting the Conservatives' weakness, a job made easier by their repeated mistakes.

Dangers from abroad

British elections have traditionally been less susceptible to being rocked by external events, and there have been fewer 'October surprises' than in the US, for example.

However, with Starmer's lead seemingly insurmountable, it is still plausible that developments abroad between now and election day damage his election prospects and offer Sunak a lifeline.

The Gaza war has already illustrated this potential vulnerability. Sunak and Starmer have been relatively aligned in backing Israel's assault on Gaza after the Hamas attacks of 7 October, and both have recently urged greater humanitarian relief for Palestinians in Gaza while maintaining Israel's right to 'self-defence.'

Majalla

Read more: Will Israel's war on Gaza impact the outcome of the upcoming UK elections?

This has carried a greater cost for Starmer than Sunak, however, as many Labour activists and representatives are supporters of the Palestinians. Dozens of Labour local government councillors have resigned over what they see as Starmer's pro-Israel stance, while in November, 56 of Starmer's MPs defied him to vote for an unsuccessful parliamentary motion calling for a ceasefire.

So far, he has managed to avoid losing widespread support from Labour voters, who, of course, include a significant number of pro-Israel Brits in their number, too. Still, Starmer is wary that he is at greater risk than Sunak of electoral blowback from Gaza.

Should the conflict over Gaza escalate into a wider regional war in the Middle East, that could also have electoral ramifications.

In January, Sunak opted to join a US naval patrol in the Red Sea to defend international shipping being targeted by Yemen's Houthis in protest at Western support for Israel.

On 12 January, this included a direct assault on Houthi positions in Yemen to both punish and deter future attacks, raising the prospect of Britain being sucked into a wider regional escalation.

Although Starmer has avoided losing widespread support from Labour voters, he is at greater risk of electoral blowback from Gaza than Sunak.

Were this to occur, there is a possibility that Sunak could benefit. If the war was brief and successful, Sunak could pitch himself as a successful war leader and, like Margaret Thatcher after the Falklands War in the 1983 poll, seek electoral advantage.

That said, few believe such a regional escalation would be either brief or successful and, if unpopular, could serve as the final nail in Sunak's electoral coffin.

The Trump card

Perhaps the greatest foreign risk, however, comes not from the Middle East but from the US. If Osborne is correct and an election occurs on 14 November, it will be just over a week after the US election. 

While the US will not wholly sway UK voters, their politics can serve as a bellwether that might influence some voters. Certainly, were Joe Biden to gain re-election, Starmer, as a fellow progressive, might be able to capitalise.

If Donald Trump is re-elected, the beneficiaries are less clear. Sunak might win further support from right-wingers, emboldened by Trump's victory, but it could also prompt an anti-right-wing backlash in favour of Starmer.

Read more: Trump might win, and US foreign policy will likely change

If Sunak went ahead with an election soon after the US poll, it would certainly shake the UK election up, with campaigns on both sides of the Atlantic running in parallel.

While that might present challenges and unexpected talking points for Starmer and Sunak to respond to, Sunak might believe it is worth the risk. After all, he currently has little to lose.

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