Libya and Sudan: power‑sharing, oil and gold

An emerging American logic rests more on power‑sharing than on a decisive settlement, more on economics than on ideology, and more on deals than solutions

Libya and Sudan: power‑sharing, oil and gold

Libya and Sudan are not two separate crises. Recent weeks suggest that Washington, along with other capitals, has begun to treat them as a single, interwoven file in which maps of influence, energy networks, gold mines, ports, military bases and Donald Trump’s pursuit of swift gains all converge.

In both countries, war has reached the same dead end. No side is strong enough to unify the state, and none is broken enough to surrender. In Libya, a de facto authority in the east is led by Khalifa Haftar, while an internationally recognised government in the west is headed by Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh. In Sudan, the army holds the heart of the state and the mantle of formal legitimacy, while the Rapid Support Forces consolidate their power in Darfur and across vast stretches of the west.

Each domestic actor now has external extensions. Regional and international powers are seeking allies within the geography of political influence. Russia is trying to offset its diminished role in Syria and the wider Middle East by securing a lasting foothold on the Red Sea and, through eastern Libya, on the Mediterranean. Arab, regional and European powers are also competing for leverage, turning Benghazi, Tripoli, Khartoum, Darfur and Port Sudan into links in a chain of influence stretching from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea and the African Sahel.

As for the United States, after years of UN initiatives, local mediation efforts and wagers on military victory, the Trump administration appears to have shifted course. Hungry for quick successes and seeing oil as both an entry point and a currency of understanding, it is moving toward an approach that recognises de facto authorities, sets aside questions of legitimacy and abuses, and seeks to convert those authorities into arrangements of power‑sharing and interests rather than leaving them to persist as military fronts.

Washington is no longer pursuing a total victory for one side over the other. It is looking for a form of stability that protects its strategic interests

Stability over victory

Washington is no longer pursuing a total victory for one side over the other. It is looking for a form of stability that protects its strategic interests. In Libya, this approach is taking shape through the plan led by Massad Boulos, President Trump's envoy. According to leaks, the plan would keep Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh as prime minister while granting Saddam Haftar the presidency of the Presidential Council, alongside a push to unify security and economic institutions, foremost among them the National Oil Corporation.

The recent moves by Egypt and Türkiye fit this logic. Cairo, which supported Haftar for years, has begun to open up to Tripoli, while Ankara has established direct channels with Benghazi after years of exclusive support for western Libya, hoping to secure eastern legitimisation of its energy privileges in the Mediterranean.

If energy is the key to the Libyan initiative, the key to a Sudanese settlement is far more intricate. Since the outbreak of the war, gold has become the backbone of the economy of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo's forces and a principal source of funding for their military operations and regional relationships. By contrast, the government and the army, led by Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan, control the state's official institutions, ports and the capital, with Egyptian and Arab support grounded in the legitimacy of the national military institution.

Does this mean Sudan is heading toward a Libyan‑style outcome? Not necessarily. The differences between the two countries are substantial, and Sudan's social and political wounds are far deeper. The American initiative there remains more modest, centred on humanitarian exchanges and limited deals between the two warring sides.

In a significant shift in US policy, the priority is no longer to rebuild the state first, but to manage division and then attempt to build the state on top of it.

Shifting logic

Still, current indicators suggest that international thinking is moving in one direction: transforming de facto authorities from instruments of war into partners in a new political order, however flawed that order may be.

If this reading proves correct, we are witnessing a significant shift in US policy. The priority is no longer to rebuild the state first, but to manage division and then attempt to build the state on top of it. In parallel with Massad Boulos's tour of North Africa to arrange oil understandings in Libya, Tom Barrack, Trump's envoy to the eastern Mediterranean, was in Baghdad, Erbil and Damascus arranging oil deals for American companies.

The emerging logic rests more on power‑sharing than on a decisive settlement, more on economics than on ideology, more on deals than solutions, and more on oil and wealth than on partnerships. From the Mediterranean to the Red Sea, these resources are being treated as keys to urgent settlements across a region of fragile, divided and unfinished states.

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