The US-Iran war tanked Trump's popularity at home

Instead of the “no endless wars” they were promised, Americans were thrown into a disastrous war and were feeling the economic pinch at the gas pump

Al Majalla

The US-Iran war tanked Trump's popularity at home

An operation that Donald Trump said could take Iran out “in one night” had turned into a six-week regional war that had the US president increasingly frustrated, as evidenced by his unhinged social media posts. In an expletive-ridden rant on Sunday, he warned that the US would take out all of Iran’s bridges and power plants if it didn’t open up the Hormuz Strait by Tuesday night, 8pm Eastern time. A two-week ceasefire was announced at the 11th hour, after regional and international stakeholders worked tirelessly to secure it. The war had plunged the entire region, including the Gulf, into turmoil, and its economic effects were already being felt across the world.

At home, the war was tanking Trump's popularity—even among his support base. Instead of the “no endless wars” they were promised, Americans were thrown into a disastrous war and were feeling the economic pinch at the gas pump.

Polls showed that 6 out of 10 Americans disapproved of the job Trump was doing, with some surveys showing his disapproval rating edging closer to two-thirds of Americans during the recent weeks of war. This put his popularity significantly lower than it was in his first term and lower than that of his three predecessors—Biden, Obama, and George W. Bush—in their first terms.

Before the war, Trump’s political support was already declining due to negative perceptions of his handling of the economy and inflation. But in a recent poll, 56% of Americans said the Iran war will have a mostly negative impact on their personal financial situation, with another 25% unsure. Meanwhile, 67% of Americans said that Trump lacks a clear plan for handling the situation in Iran—worrisome numbers for any wartime president.

To his credit, Trump seemed to be acutely aware of the war’s unpopularity. Speaking to reporters on the White House lawn on Monday, he said, although he would like to “take the oil" from Iran, "unfortunately, the American people would like to see us come home."

Divisive issue

This even created divisions within Trump’s own Republican party, with divergent voices over Iran on display at the Conservative Political Action Conference late last month, with younger conservatives more sceptical about the war than their older counterparts.

Case in point: prominent Conservative podcast host Tucker Carlson—who lobbied the president since last year not to go to war with Iran—recently argued that the war is showing the “end of American Empire” and that Trump’s call for allies to help reopen the Strait of Hormuz proved that the US could no longer function as the world’s policeman.

Dissenting voices about the war were evident in recent dismissals and resignations in the Pentagon, including Army Chief of Staff Randy George.

Even within the Pentagon and other key US security agencies, dissenting voices about the course of this war were evident in recent dismissals and resignations, including the Army Chief of Staff, General Randy George, being fired last week. Historians will have much to analyse when the full story of these firings and resignations comes out.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration's plan to ask Congress for $200bn in a supplemental funding bill for military spending drew the ire of Democrats and Republicans alike. For his part, Republican Senator Thomas Massie said, "It looks like it's costing about a billion dollars a day. So, if they want $200bn to continue, that begs the question, how long do they reasonably expect the war to go on? If we think it's going to go on for half a year, then you know, we need to hear what the objectives are."

Meanwhile, Republican Senator Rand Paul said he did not favour "adding more debt", stressing that he thinks the war "should come to a conclusion as soon as possible." Notably, this notional supplemental funding from the war is separate from a massive 42%  increase in defence spending in the Trump administration's proposed budget for the coming fiscal year. 

Trump's decision to wage war on Iran at a time when his popularity was already dwindling had puzzled observers, with politicians, analysts, and average citizens alike questioning whether the US and Israel were aligned on the ultimate aims of the Iran war and in sync with key Arab partners on the question.

Military escalation has almost never improved the standing of an unpopular president.

Looking for an off-ramp

Americans—and much of the rest of the world—wanted the US to end the war, so Trump had been looking for a face-saving off-ramp to walk away without appearing weak.

He had the option to "escalate to de-escalate"—a catch phrase his administration has frequently cited throughout the war, but it ran the risk of even heavier Iranian retaliation on US-affiliated assets across the region that may have entrenched America further in the war. And with the midterm elections approaching in November, that could have spelt disaster for Republicans at the ballot box.

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