Why Ethiopia's presence on the Red Sea is a red line for Egypt

The regional rivals aren't just fighting over freshwater supplies. Cairo sees Addis Ababa's bid for Red Sea access as part of a wider fragmentation strategy.

A performer stands next to a decorative aerial image of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) during its official inauguration ceremony in Guba, on 9 September 2025.
LUIS TATO / AFP
A performer stands next to a decorative aerial image of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) during its official inauguration ceremony in Guba, on 9 September 2025.

Why Ethiopia's presence on the Red Sea is a red line for Egypt

Ethiopia’s push for Red Sea access will have consequences that reach far beyond the Horn of Africa, not least because littoral states are staunchly opposed to Addis Ababa gaining a sovereign foothold on this crucial trade artery.

With 132 million people, landlocked Ethiopia is Africa’s second-most populous nation. It shares a border with Sudan in the west, Somalia and Djibouti in the east, Eritrea in the north, and Kenya in the south. The country, which has long sought access to the high seas, covers 1,112,000 square kilometres, which is five times the size of the UK, so it is no minnow.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been escalating his rhetoric on Red Sea access for several months, most recently at the 39th African Union Summit in Addis Ababa on 14 February, where he linked this maritime access to stability in the Horn of Africa. Three days later, he reiterated Ethiopia’s desire for a Red Sea presence while meeting Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Ethiopians say their country’s landlocked geography robs it of economic opportunities and hampers its development. Yet it can already access Red Sea ports. What Ahmed wants is sovereign access. This would mean redrawing the regional map and violating the territorial integrity of neighbours.

Egypt’s leaders think this is a recipe for conflict in an area already simmering with historical grievances. Yet this is just one of several differences between Cairo and Addis Ababa. Freshwater is another sore point. Addis Ababa has just built the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Blue Nile, the main tributary of the Nile River. Egypt relies on freshwater from the Nile, almost 85% of which originates in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia believes that the river’s waters are a non-negotiable sovereign resource that can double its electricity supply, but were it ever to turn off the taps, such as in drought conditions, it could quickly turn Egypt into a barren desert. Cairo spent years negotiating a contract to secure its annual Nile River water share, but the talks came to nothing. Now, 110 million Egyptians are at Ethiopia’s mercy.

Luis TATO / AFP
Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed delivers his remarks during the official inauguration ceremony of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) in Guba, on 9 September 2025.

The African Union, the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations all sought to mediate between Egypt and Ethiopia, to no avail. Sudan (which, like Egypt, is also threatened by the dam) was also involved. In January 2026, US President Donald Trump also offered to help “resolve the question of Nile water sharing once and for all”.

Read more: Trump's Nile mediation offer raises eyebrows in Egypt

Whether he succeeds or not, Egypt will not forget Ethiopia’s desire to halt the flow of the waters, its wellspring of life. Cairo believes Addis Ababa’s push towards the sea, in an area that is crucial to the Egyptian economy, has sinister intentions.

For Egypt, the primary concern is not economic but geopolitical. It fears that Ethiopia's Red Sea access is emblematic of a new fragmentation strategy

Geopolitical concerns

For Egypt, the primary concern is not economic but geopolitical. It fears that Ethiopia's Red Sea access is emblematic of a new fragmentation strategy that has been brewing in the region for several years now. This strategy divides the region into two opposing camps. In one camp, Egypt and Saudi Arabia are working together protect the viability of sovereign states and maintain their territorial integrity. In the other are those who seek to splinter states for their own ends.

Read more: The battle for the state is reshaping regional alliances

In Sudan, a powerful militia in Darfur is being armed and funded by the United Arab Emirates, a charge Abu Dhabi denies. And in Yemen, the Southern Transitional Council had been supported by the UAE up until recently, while Saudi Arabia seeks to shore up the internationally recognised government. The UAE has also backed the east Libya-based commander Khalifa Haftar, whose forces have fought the Tripoli-based internationally recognised Government of National Accord.

Meanwhile, in Somalia, the breakaway region of Somaliland (through which Ethiopia hopes to gain Red Sea access) has just been formally recognised as a state by Israel. These developments appear to be linked to the same unfolding fragmentation strategy pursued by actors who believe that weakening regional states will serve their short-term interests. 

Farhan Aleli / AFP
This aerial view shows residents waving Somaliland flags as they gather to celebrate Israel's announcement recognising Somaliland's statehood in downtown Hargeisa, on 26 December 2025.

Read more: The Horn of Africa is being targeted for fragmentation

Alliances take shape

In response to the growing links between Ethiopia, Israel, and armed non-state actors, Egypt and others have thrown their weight behind Somalia, Sudan, and Eritrea, making the Horn of Africa a hive of diplomatic and military activity. Egypt is sending troops and arms to the region. Tracking data shows that Israel is doing the same. Addis Ababa today bustles with diplomats seeking urgent consultations.

Whether the tension in the Horn of Africa ignites into open warfare, it is clear that Egypt will not remain on the sidelines. Cairo's deepening military footprint in Somalia aims to support its territorial integrity, as Somaliland leaders seek support from Tel Aviv and Addis Ababa. Egypt's mission is to safeguard Red Sea access and counterbalance Ethiopian ambitions.

Whether it relates to the waters of the Nile River, Red Sea access, or maritime chokepoints, regional alliances are both shifting and colliding. The coming days and weeks will reveal whether diplomacy or military confrontation is needed. The future of the Red Sea is at stake.

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