Can the Lebanese army disarm Hezbollah?

Beirut faces growing US pressure to "finish the job", but with Hezbollah's categorical refusal to relinquish its weapons and Iran's stated red line, the near future looks bleak

Can the Lebanese army disarm Hezbollah?

The United States has given the Lebanese government a tall order: the disarmament of Hezbollah and Palestinian factions, bringing the monopoly of arms firmly under the control of the state. As such, Al Majalla chose Lebanon's challenge to disarm Hezbollah as September's cover story, where we tackle the latest developments, including signals from Washington and Riyadh, as well as Tehran's red lines.

The issue of Hezbollah’s arms is not new. It dates back to the aftermath of the Israeli invasion in 1982, when Iran carved out a military footprint in Lebanon through its arming and training of Hezbollah, with the group later emerging as the crown jewel militant group in Iran's so-called 'axis of resistance' throughout the region.

Past attempts to raise the question of Hezbollah's arms were always met with rejection and violence. But now, things are different.

How we got here

A year ago this month, Israel launched a crushing campaign against the group, which began with the now-infamous pager attacks which killed dozens and maimed thousands across Lebanon. This was swiftly followed by a string of high-profile assassinations, which included the killing of Hezbollah's iconic Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. Throughout the war, Israel was able to destroy many Hezbollah weapons depots, missile stockpiles and strongholds.

A few months later, the group was dealt another seismic setback with the ouster of Syria's long-time ruler, Bashar al-Assad—Iran's only state ally in the region. It was under the Assad regime that Iran could arm Hezbollah through its land bridge across Iraq and Syria. With its weapons corridor effectively severed and its allies either gone or weakened, Hezbollah has been busy licking its wounds and keeping its head down.

Israel then turned its attention to what some refer to as the "head of the octopus"—Tehran. It launched an unprecedented direct attack in June of this year, which sparked what became known as the 12-day war. Over the course of nearly two weeks, two countries traded strikes, culminating in a US strike on Iranian nuclear facilities, followed by an Iranian strike on the American al-Udeid military base in Qatar, before US President Donald Trump declared the war was "over".

Past attempts to raise the question of Hezbollah's disarmament were always met with rejection and violence. But now, things are different.

The aftershocks of Iran's regional setback are still being felt across the region. In Lebanon, this manifested politically through the election of President Joseph Aoun and the formation of a government led by Nawaf Salam. But can these changes be translated into concrete realities, or will they turn out to be purely cosmetic?

Herein lies the challenge. Half a century since Lebanon's devastating 15-year civil war, the country has been presented with a rare opportunity to reassert the state's authority, which had steadily eroded over the past few decades.

Foreign pressure

For Israel, Hezbollah's disarmament is non-negotiable, especially after the group began its "supportive war" against Israel shortly after the October 7 Hamas attack. But despite a ceasefire reached with the group, Israel continues to occupy Lebanese land in the south and carry out strikes against Hezbollah targets across the country.

For its part, the US has proposed a plan for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from land they occupy in  Lebanon's south, but has conditioned it on a string of demands that include: Hezbollah disarmament, the demarcation of the Lebanon-Syria border, among other things.

Washington has also pegged Lebanon's economic revival and reconstruction on the government's ability to reassert its political and military authority. It wants to see Hezbollah abandon its "resistance" posture and transition into a regular party sans arms.

To this end, post-Assad Syria looks likely to play a key role in helping the Lebanese state reclaim its eroded authority—a goal President Aoun and his government have pledged to achieve by year's end.

The US and Israel want Hezbollah to abandon its "resistance" posture and transition into a regular party sans arms. For Iran, this is a red line.

During a media briefing I attended with several other journalists at the presidential palace in Damascus, President Ahmed al-Sharaa declared his intention to turn a new page with Lebanon, pointing to the favourable opportunity to do so following "the serious losses suffered by Iran and its axis".

On an official state visit to Beirut later this month, Syria's new leader is expected to reaffirm his respect for Lebanese sovereignty and support for border demarcation aimed at curbing extremism and drug trafficking. In fact, the border demarcation process has already begun, and significant progress has been made in dismantling smuggling and drug trafficking networks.

For its part, Iran is working to restore Hezbollah's military capabilities and has emphasised that any moves to disarm the group would constitute a red line. While it understands that Hezbollah can probably no longer serve as a deterrent to prevent Israel from striking Iran directly, it still wants to maintain its influence in Lebanon and regain its foothold in Syria.

Lebanon's army now faces a critical test. Is it willing and capable of confronting Hezbollah militarily in a bid to disarm the group, or will such an attempt spread division among its ranks? Given Hezbollah's categorical refusal to lay down its arms, the immediate future looks bleak.

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