The prophecy and the curse: Israel and West Bank annexation

The Israeli parliament has declared that all land ‘from the River to the Sea’ is Israel’s “legal right”. With its biblical references, this is not the politics of pragmatism, but of religious texts.

Israel's parliament has voted to declare the West Bank as Israeli sovereign territory. It is non-binding, but its significance is huge.
Eiko Ojala
Israel's parliament has voted to declare the West Bank as Israeli sovereign territory. It is non-binding, but its significance is huge.

The prophecy and the curse: Israel and West Bank annexation

On 23 July 2025, the Israeli Knesset passed a political declaration calling for the imposition of Israeli sovereignty over the occupied West Bank, asserting what it termed the “natural, historical, and legal right” of the Jewish people to all the land of Israel. It was a political declaration, not a bill, so it carries no legal weight.

Still, its significance far exceeds its formal status. The imposition of Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank has become an ideological identity manifesto, placing the Zionist project at a new crossroads where religious prophecy meets military force, and the books of prophets intertwine with the maps of generals.

The declaration was no ordinary political document. This was the first ever Israeli parliamentary vote on annexation, yet it read more like the resurrection of a biblical text emerging from the depths of scripture. In it, the West Bank is called ‘Judea and Samaria’. Both ‘Judea’ and ‘Samaria’ are tied to the ancient biblical Israelite kingdoms that in fact extended beyond the West Bank. It has become a sacred stage, a remnant of divine promise.

Led by the bible

Cities such as Hebron and Nablus are not cited as geographic locales but as theological sanctuaries and footprints of prophets. Here, politics is not shaped by pragmatism, but by religious texts. Nor is this religious revival at the heart of political decision-making an anomaly; it is the culmination of a profound and long-term transformation.

AFP
Israeli settlers march towards the outpost of Eviatar, south of Nablus in the occupied West Bank, on April 10, 2023.

The religious settler movement, once a fringe element in the secular Zionist project, has now become the beating heart of Israeli politics. Itamar Ben-Gvir, once a marginal figure and settler near Hebron, is now Minister of National Security. Israel’s Finance Minister is Bezalel Smotrich, who in 2005 was arrested carrying 700 litres of gasoline on suspicion of planning to blow up a major highway. Both men have now been sanctioned by the UK, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and Norway.

The declaration was no ordinary political document. This was the first ever Israeli parliamentary vote on annexation

This religious-settler faction has gained legitimacy and power thanks to Netanyahu, who gave them ministries not simply in exchange for their parties' Knesset votes, but because they are no longer 'fringe,' nor are their constituents. After 7 October 2023, ideological Israelis feel less restrained. The religious rhetoric is no longer masked. Biblical words such as 'Amalek' (meaning a force of evil or darkness) have emerged in speeches about Gaza's residents.

For religious Jews, Amalek is the mythical enemy. "Remember what Amalek did to you… blot out the memory of Amalek from under heaven. Do not forget" (Deuteronomy 25:17–19). Elsewhere, the bible reads: "Now go and strike Amalek and devote to destruction all that they have. Do not spare them, but kill both man and woman, child and infant, ox and sheep, camel and donkey" (1 Samuel 15:3). Netanyahu himself quoted these verses to justify the war, saying: "The enemy is like Amalek—not to be spared, but erased." Gaza's residents? According to this, they must be annihilated.

Battling demographics

When religious rhetoric legitimises killing, the line between war and genocide disappears. Yet none of this occurs in a vacuum. With a Palestinian state no longer on Israel's political agenda, a policy of suffocation prevails over separation, and a policy of annexation prevails over disengagement.

Ronen Zvulun/Reuters
Israel's National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir speaks at a convention calling for Israel to rebuild settlements in the Gaza.

Israel once turned to Oslo to avoid the threat of a binational state, yet it now strides confidently towards the same trap: two peoples in one state, with no equality between them and no prospect of resolution. Ahead of the Oslo Accords, for former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, the fear of losing a Jewish majority in Israel was a stronger motivator than were hopes for peace.

Netanyahu faces the same demographic anxiety, but instead of addressing it, he is gambling on decisive victory through war, not compromise. This is the framework within which the recent war on Gaza must be understood. It is not merely a campaign against Hamas, but a project to reengineer the demographic reality.

The mass killing of tens of thousands, the total urban destruction, the starvation, the dismantling of UNRWA, and the bulldozing camps in both Gaza and the West Bank—none of these are not side effects. Rather, they are tools in a demographic strategy born in the settler imagination, adopted by President Donald Trump during his first term, and now implemented in his second. It is the coerced displacement of two million Gazans but describes as "voluntary".

Forever-refugees

Bombs pave the way, hunger forces movement, and the rubble fields remove any option of staying. Rafah, the afflicted border city, is not merely the last geographic point in Gaza. It is the first line in a new chapter of displacement, written with the tools of war and sold as a humanitarian necessity. Under international law, this constitutes a full war crime.

Biblical words such as 'Amalek' (meaning a force of evil or darkness) have emerged in speeches about Gaza's residents

This comes with a cost not only to the Palestinians but also to Israel's partners, not least Trump, who is desperate to extend the Abraham Accords and win the Nobel Peace Prize. Yet how could Arab states strike peace deals with Israel while it rules out a Palestinian state, pursues annexation, and facilitates mass expulsion? This effectively condemns Palestinians to forever-refugees, with no land and no horizon.

AFP
Armed Israeli settlers in the newly established Eviatar settlement outpost near the city of Nablus in the northern occupied West Bank

Herein lies the core contradiction of the Zionist project. Israel, founded in biblical prophecy, now finds itself threatened by the very same. Annexing the West Bank will lead inevitably to a one-state reality 'from the River to the Sea,' either with an Arab majority in the medium term, or as an apartheid system that endures only until its moral burden becomes too heavy to bear.

When the Knesset passed its symbolic declaration, it exposed an existential crisis. A project that began with a divine promise of a 'Promised Land' now races toward the reality of a curse. There is no redemption without justice, no survival without equality, and no future built on the ruins of another people. What today fuels Israeli rhetoric as prophecy may tomorrow be judged as historical reckoning.

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