‘You may leave’: a 1936 meeting between Syrian and Zionist leaders

Minutes of a confidential discussion record an increasingly heated exchange that ended with the Jewish delegation being shown the door.

In October 1936, the French government and the Syrian National Bloc signed the Franco-Syrian Treaty of Alliance, giving independence to Syria. Two months earlier, a Zionist delegation was given short shrift by the Bloc.
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In October 1936, the French government and the Syrian National Bloc signed the Franco-Syrian Treaty of Alliance, giving independence to Syria. Two months earlier, a Zionist delegation was given short shrift by the Bloc.

‘You may leave’: a 1936 meeting between Syrian and Zionist leaders

In early March 1936, a delegation from the National Bloc party travelled to Paris to negotiate the future of Syria. A coalition of parties hostile to the French presence in Syria, the Bloc included notable conservatives, together with 50 of the wealthiest and most powerful families in Syria.

The most prominent political faction during the interwar years, it sought an agreement to end the French Mandate that had been in-place since 1920, or at a bare minimum, to establish a fixed timeframe for its end. Talks began on 2 April 1936 but were delayed for a month due to general elections in France, which brought Jewish socialist Léon Blum to power.

That May, the head of the Jewish Agency, David Ben-Gurion, arrived in Paris and requested a meeting with the Syrian delegation. Its head, Hashem al-Atasi, refused to attend, but two other members—Jamil Mardam Bey and Riad al-Solh—agreed to go.

Mardam Bey was a senior negotiator who would go on to become prime minister of Syria between 1936-1939, and then again in 1946-1948, while Solh was as political adviser to the Bloc and would become prime minister of Lebanon in 1943.

An offer of help

They met Ben Gurion, who would later become Israel’s first prime minister, at the Hotel Continental. He told them that the new French negotiator, Pierre Vienot (Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs), would not easily let go of French colonies in the Arab World. As for Léon Blum, Ben-Gurion said he was “both a Jew and a friend”.

He offered to help persuade Blum to adjust his position on the Mandate in Syria, but made no promises or commitments. Ben-Gurion then waited until the Franco-Syrian negotiations reached a deadlock by end of the summer of 1936. As they came close to collapse, he reached out to Mardam Bey.

David Ben-Gurion requested a meeting with the Syrian delegation. Its head, Hashem al-Atasi, refused to attend, but two others—Jamil Mardam Bey and Riad al-Solh—agreed to go

"Had you listened to me, you would have saved yourself and your delegation plenty of time and effort," he is reported to have said. "Did I not tell you that Léon Blum is in our pocket?"

Despite a 1922 law barring Zionists (not Jews) from entering Syria, Mardam Bey agreed that the Jewish delegation should travel to Damascus to discuss a framework for mutual co-operation. He also offered to arrange meetings for the Jewish visitors with influential Syrians, on the condition that they remain confidential so as not to affect the talks in Paris.

Barudi meets Sasson

The first delegation arrived in Damascus on 17 July 1936 and was headed by Eliyahu Sasson, a Jewish journalist born and raised in Damascus, who had left Syria five years earlier to join the Zionist movement in Palestine. He met National Bloc leader Fakhri al-Barudi twice, first at Barudi's palace in the Qanawat district, then again in the village of Douma, north-east of the capital, where Barudi owned agricultural land and spent most of his time.

AFP
Israeli Prime minister David Ben-Gurion (second-left) in Tel Aviv on 28 July 1948 to commemorate Zionist leader Theodor Herzl. His visit to Paris in 1936 led to the Zionist leaders' secret meeting in Damascus a few months later.

The choice of Barudi was no surprise; he was hugely popular in Damascus, especially among school and university students, and the urban intelligentsia. Conducted entirely in Arabic, the conversation began with Barudi acting paternally as if to a delinquent son, rather than to an enemy, reminding him of his earlier enthusiasm for the Arab Revolt against the Ottomans.

Their relationship went back to 1920, when Barudi served as private chamberlain to then-king Faisal I of Damascus when Sasson was establishing the Arabic-Hebrew newspaper Al-Sharq. Barudi asked him why he had left Damascus. Sasson noted his Zionist convictions but said he remained loyal and devoted to Damascus and harboured no hostility towards its people.

Barudi replied: "Even if the Prophet himself rose from his grave, he won't be able to give you what you are asking for: a national home in Palestine. Even he cannot talk the Palestinians into accepting you in their country."

Friendly advice

Barudi continued to offer words of wisdom to Sasson. "If you want a sustainable solution, then you must stop the emigration first, and abandon the idea of a national home in Palestine. You speak of the 'Promised Land' but you are already in the Promised Land—Damascus is the sister of Jerusalem. Never have you been bothered or felt unwelcome in this city. What is closer to the Promised Land: London, or Damascus?"

Concluding, Barudi added: "I advise the French not to repeat their past mistake, for if the delegation returns from Paris empty-handed, a new revolution will erupt in Syria, and it will be far more violent and severe than the revolution of 1925."

Less than two weeks later, on 1 August 1936, a second meeting was arranged at the Bloudan Hotel near Damascus, attended by Barudi, Lutfi al-Haffar (who would later serve as Syrian prime minister), and Shukri al-Quwatli (who would later serve as Syria's first post-independence president).

For the Jewish delegation, there was Eliyahu Sasson (who later became an Israeli minister and diplomat), Eliyahu Epstein (who later became Israel's first ambassador to the United States), and Dov Hoz, a leader of the Labor Zionist movement and co-founder of Haganah, a Jewish paramilitary organisation whose forces later formed the rump of the new Israel Defence Forces (IDF).

The following excerpt is taken from the minutes of the meeting:

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Quwatli: If we are to speak in terms of history, then should we not also lay claim to Andalusia?

Hoz: Let us first discuss economics. It is far more useful than politics.

Barudi: You have the wealth and knowledge, we have the land and work force. If you truly wish to be a force for good in our Arab world, we can cooperate.

Sasson: Our meeting comes in light of the talks recently held in Paris by Mr. David Ben Gurion and Mr. Jamil Mardam Bey. We are here to explain the objectives of the Zionist movement and to listen to the demands of the national movement in Syria. Politics first, economic support second.

Wikipedia
Eliyahu Sasson, a Damascus-born Israeli politician, diplomat and minister (1902–1978), attended the secret meeting, but was asked to leave.

Haffar: What do you want from us, Sasson? Do you want us to say: 'Take Palestine in exchange for Syria's independence'? As a Damascus native, I would have expected you to know better. Throughout our long history, we have never yielded nor submitted to anyone. We fought them all—Romans, Persians, Ottomans, and now the French. We will continue to fight, one generation after the next.

Barudi: Let us listen to what they have to say. We are open to all matters, except immigration and the establishment of a Hebrew state. Elias (Eliyahu) knows this well. We also welcome any assistance you can provide in the ongoing negotiations in Paris and will consider that a demonstration of goodwill on the part of the Jewish people and a gesture to build trust.

We have never yielded nor submitted to anyone and we fought them all—Romans, Persians, Ottomans, and now the French. We will continue to fight, one generation after the next.

Lutfi al-Haffar, speaking to a Jewish delegation in 1936

Epstein: This is not the first time that representatives of the Jewish Agency have met with Arab leaders, but it is the first encounter with the National Bloc, which I personally consider a great honour. No-one can comprehend the Zionist cause without taking into account all of its historical and psychological factors. Despite our long and arduous exile in Europe, we remain deeply attached to this land and are utterly devoted to it. Zionism is nothing but a return to our Eastern roots.

Epstein: At first glance, this conflict may appear to be one of clashing interests, with no room for understanding. But upon a realistic and unemotional examination, you will find that our interests are in fact aligned, if we choose for them to be. Rest assured that we do not seek any agreement with you at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs, and you undoubtedly know that we have never harmed any of the Arabs of Palestine. On the contrary, our presence has benefited them economically.

Epstein: We are aware that we cannot develop our culture, society, and economy on solid and lasting foundations without the help of neighbouring countries. And if the Palestinian Arabs fear the continuation of the national homeland project, we are prepared to offer any guarantees that you may need to ensure that this project does not deprive people of their land. We are not afraid. We have grown accustomed to the violence we have endured throughout our long history, and so the violence currently taking place in Palestine will not deter us from continuing our constructive work. We are determined to persevere no matter the difficulties and challenges.

Sasson: We are fully prepared, should we reach an agreement, to work together within legal frameworks to achieve your national goals. It is true that we remain oppressed in many countries, but it is also true that we are an influential financial force around the world. This influence could be useful to the Arabs, and to the Syrian people in particular. Syrian independence cannot be genuine without intellectual, technical, and financial support, and the Arab world in its current state is unfortunately unable to provide you with any of that. But we can.

Barudi: What exactly do you want from us?

Sasson: The National Bloc must declare its understanding and appreciation of our national aspirations, and it must accept our historical right to establish a national homeland in Palestine.

Quwatli: I agree that only calm discussions can bridge the gap between us and would like to remind that it was you who initiated the violence; confiscating property and uprooting people from their homes. You were the ones who resorted to arms rather than constructive dialogue. What is happening today in Palestine is nothing but a popular reaction to your behaviour, which is far removed from the character and culture of the Jews.

Despite your long stay in Europe, you remain Oriental at heart. That is something that unites us, along with our joint history of persecution by occupiers, and our resistance to invaders

Shukri al-Quwatli, speaking to a Jewish delegation in 1936

Quwatli: Do you expect the Palestinians to stand idly by while you destroy their country? What you have said is correct: there are several issues that unite us, and we are aware that despite your long stay in Europe, you remain Oriental at heart. That is something that unites us, along with our joint history of persecution by occupiers, and our resistance to invaders. Therefore, we are keen to reach an agreement that will end this conflict so that it is not bequeathed from one generation to the next. You spoke of your historical right to Palestine, claiming it extends back 2,000 years. What right are you referring to? Tell me please how you would respond if we Arabs were to lay claim to Andalusia? Do we not have a similar right to Spain?

Epstein: Palestine has always been the focus and goal of Jewish nationalism, which is not the case for Andalusia and the Arabs.

Wikipedia
Syrian independence leader Shukri al-Quwatli attended the August 1936 meeting with Zionist leaders, where he asked: "Do you expect the Palestinians to stand idly by while you destroy their country?"

Barudi: For many long centuries, we lived together in peace. I tell you, were it not for this devilish idea of a national homeland in Palestine, then we would not oppose the arrival of more Jews in our lands, for they have been open throughout the ages to anyone seeking safety, shelter, food, or refuge from fear, oppression, hunger, and thirst. But we cannot deny that you are purchasing land at exorbitant prices and expelling its inhabitants, thereby overstepping the bounds of hospitality and becoming invaders and occupiers, no different from the French. It is our duty to fight you and resist your project. This land was and will forever belong to the Arabs. It is not yours.

Quwatli: You say you are prepared to offer us guarantees and economic support. We do not need this money, and it would be worthless so long as we are not masters in our own land. We oppose the idea of a Jewish national homeland just as our Arab Palestinian brothers do. Do you truly wish to occupy the land, expel its inhabitants, and expect us to agree to this? Or do you have a different proposal?

Quwatli: If you wish to live in peace within Palestine alongside its native inhabitants, under an Arab identity, then you are welcome. But if you insist on the idea of a national homeland on the land of Palestine, we will fight you with all our might, and so will our children and grandchildren. Any agreement is contingent upon: first, halting immigration; second, nullifying the Balfour Declaration; and third, returning seized lands to their rightful owners. How many of you are there today in Britain and France?

Epstein: Approximately half a million in each.

Quwatli: You have a million Jews in Britain, controlling the greatest empire on which the sun never sets, and half a million in France, controlling the second-largest empire in the world. And now you want to bring four million Jews to Palestine and 'help' us establish an Arab unity of 80 million poor and ignorant people so you can dominate us? You will not find a single Arab who will accept you. You may leave, this discussion has reached a dead end.

Epstein: You will regret this, and the treaty with France will not pass.

Quwatli: If you can stop it, then stop it!

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