Time will tell if Sharaa will truly protect Syria's minorities

Syria's new president says he wants to build a country based on tolerance and inclusivity, but it remains doubtful his HTS base shares this view. Recent sectarian killings are a discouraging sign.

Time will tell if Sharaa will truly protect Syria's minorities

Indian resistance leader and ‘Father of the Nation’ Mahatma Gandhi once said that “a civilisation should be judged by its treatment of minorities”. That is a good position to take. Unfortunately, reality is often quite different.

In the West, far more attention is often given to minorities—at least, when it comes to non-Arab groups such as Kurds or certain Christian communities—than to majorities. In Syria’s case, that would mean Sunni Arabs. Furthermore, there can be selectivity regarding compassion for Arab minorities. For instance, the suffering of Palestinian Arab Christians under Israeli occupation is often completely ignored.

It goes without saying that religious and ethnic minorities must have the same rights as the majority, but that does not mean that the majority should be overlooked.

The fall of the Assad regime in Syria in December 2024 also marked the end of a period of dominance by members of Syria’s Alawite minority, as power shifted back to individuals from the Sunni majority (as was the case before the Ba’ath Party’s takeover in 1963). Yet the backgrounds of these new Islamist-inclined Sunni rulers are quite different from those who held power before the Ba’athist period. Islamism now plays a far bigger role.

The fallen Assad regime has often incorrectly been described as a regime dominated by Alawites. Although Alawites played a key role in it, it was, in fact, an Alawite-dominated dictatorship that affected everyone. Alawite elites benefited, but only if they remained unconditionally loyal to the regime.

Thus far, there is little evidence of Western empathy for Syria’s Alawites, even though they are a minority. Perhaps this is because they are still generally associated with the Assad regime and therefore seen as having sympathised with it.

A dictatorship is usually a minority regime, whether the ruling elite comes from a majority group (such as the Sunnis in Syria), or a minority (such as the Alawites). Likewise, it cannot be assumed that the new Sunni rulers, of the originally radical Islamist Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), represent Syria’s Sunnis. Rather, they constitute a small Sunni minority within the large Sunni majority population.

The Islamist ideologies of groups like HTS and others are at odds with principles such as religious non-discrimination

Intolerant ideologies

The Islamist ideologies of groups like HTS, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, Ahrar al-Sham, or Jaysh al-Islam, are almost by definition at odds with principles such as religious non-discrimination. They may tolerate minorities, but for the minorities themselves, tolerance is not enough. They want to be respected as equal citizens.

In the Netherlands, many supporters of democracy sympathise with the Kurds of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), despite this being a highly authoritarian organisation that lacks support from most other Syrian Kurdish parties. Sympathy for a non-Arab minority thus means turning a blind eye to its authoritarian behaviour.

Far from the radical jihadist he once was, Syria's new interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa has made a series of statements suggesting a tolerant, pragmatic, and moderate approach regarding religious minorities and reconciliation among Syrians, but do all of his Islamist HTS followers share his vision?

I doubt it. Most will still see Alawites (and other Islamic minorities) as infidels or heretics, which helps to explain why al-Sharaa doesn't appear to be in full control of his HTS-led military when they are operating in the field.

Read more: Syria's HTS-packed government hints at authoritarian future

Sectarian killings

Alongside HTS fighters are many former opposition militias, like the Syrian National Army and Ahrar al-Sham, although some are surrendering their arms to the new central authorities. Integrated or not, the individual fighters' Islamist worldviews will likely remain unchanged.

It is logical for those who suffered under al-Assad to want revenge against Alawites, whom they see as symbolising and supporting his regime. This helps explain the sectarian killings of Alawites in recent days, despite some in the Alawite community having been strong opponents of the Assad regime.

HTS troops and their allies say they were pursuing "pockets of Alawite resistance," led by those with roles under the Assad regime who have blood on their hands, yet the troops somehow widened their remit, killing Alawites on a much wider scale, thereby committing numerous atrocities.

Read more: Jableh ambush risks igniting larger Türkiye-Iran confrontation

HTS troops said they were pursuing "pockets" of Assad loyalists who have blood on their hands, but ended up killing Alawites on a much wider scale

Tenuous situation

This situation could now get seriously out-of-hand, stoking civil war. Al-Sharaa is yet to bring the whole country under his control, and armed militias protective of their enclaves could fan the flames unless his interim government brings them to heel.

Recent signs are not good. The homes of alleged Assad supporters have been confiscated (just as the Assad regime frequently did to others in reverse). Some have been dismissed from their jobs. Salaries and pensions have been withheld.

The country is in a perilous position. Many are experiencing hunger and poverty, while religious minorities are anxious about their future under an Islamist-leaning regime. Israel is believed to be interfering, trying to foment further sectarian and ethnic division—a longstanding Israeli strategy of weakening its neighbours.

Recent Israeli efforts to "protect" the Druze in southern Syria are odd, given that they refuse to cooperate with Israel, let alone be 'protected' by it. Furthermore, Syrian Druze have historically been among the most fervent Arab nationalists, hence why the Druze region in southern Syria is called Jabal al-Arab (Mountain of the Arabs), rather than its previous name Jabal al-Duruz (Mountain of the Druze).

Israel may want to separate sectarian and ethnic minorities because it is an 'ethno-religious' state itself. This may also explain why Israel promotes Kurdish independence in Iraq and supports Maronite dominance in Lebanon. Again, this is part of the same strategy: weakening neighbouring Arab states.

In 1977, Israel's then prime minister Menahem Begin said his country would be the "protector of minorities" in the Middle East. Today, if his words are to be believed, al-Sharaa intends to be the "protector of minorities" in Syria. If Mahatma Gandhi's maxim holds true, that is what he will be judged on.

font change