Trump's game of hardball with Iran

The US might threaten Iran with Israeli strikes in order to get it to come to the table, but Trump prefers a deal with Tehran

Al Majalla

Trump's game of hardball with Iran

US President Donald Trump has long had a consistent position on Iran: He doesn’t want to change the country’s rulers, but he does want to change their behaviour, chiefly to stop them from getting a nuclear weapon.

In order to get there, he is intent on bringing back his first-term policy of maximum pressure, i.e. tough sanctions on Iran that were never discontinued under Biden but were sometimes enforced with less urgency. What makes this term different is that Trump might be also ready to back Israeli strikes on Iran – or at least to use this threat to bring Iran to the negotiating table.

Trump’s approach to Iran has always involved a rough game of carrots and sticks. This has already been on display during the president’s opening weeks. On 4 February, he signed a national security presidential memorandum that brought further pressure on Iran, but just as he was signing it, he said that he wanted to negotiate with the Iranian leaders and that he wished he didn’t have to sign the memorandum.

He reiterated this position the day after in a Truth social post. He wanted Iran to be “a great and successful Country,” he said, so long as it didn’t have nuclear weapons (the memorandum also mentions Iran’s support for militias in the region and its ballistic missile programmes.) He called for a “Verified Nuclear Peace Agreement” that would let Iran “peacefully grow and prosper” and called for both countries to “start working on it immediately.”

The initial response from the Iranian leadership was a swift rejection. On 7 February, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei thundered that talks with the US were not “smart or honourable.” They had failed in the past and would fail again, he said. But these are just the opening shots of what will be a long process. Virtually all serious voices in the Iranian security establishment know that the country has no choice but to negotiate with the US at some point.

Read more: The eventuality of US-Iran negotiations

AFP / ATTA KENARE
A man pays using Iranian rials at a shop in Tehran.

Back-breaking sanctions

The US-imposed sanctions are breaking the country’s back. Following Khamenei’s speech, the Iranian rial is now trading at almost one million to a single US dollar. This makes the Iranian currency one of the most worthless in the world. Add this to the massive battering that Iran’s so-called 'Axis of Resistance' has suffered in the last two years, and the country’s brittle social peace and the urgency of economic improvement becomes clearer.

But even if the economic pressure wasn’t enough to bring Iran to the table, the Trump administration could use another tool: The threat of devastating Israeli strikes. Reports in US media have recently suggested that Israel is preparing for attacks on Iran’s nuclear sites in the coming year.

Even Trump’s pro-peace post on 5 February included an implied threat that if a deal was not reached, the US could join Israel in attacks on Iran. Such attacks have long been championed by Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. With Trump in office, he might feel like he finally has the backing to make them happen. But Trump might also attempt to use this threat to get the concessions he wants from Iran.

Trump’s chief diplomat, Marco Rubio, visited Israel as the first leg of his first trip to the Middle East. After meeting him on 16 February, Netanyahu said Iran had topped their discussion. US and Israel stood “shoulder to shoulder in countering the threat” from Iran, which he says is responsible for instability in the West Bank, Lebanon, Iraq and Syria. As he had done during his Senate confirmations, Rubio also attacked the regime for its lack of support from the Iranian people, whom he described as “victims of that regime.”

Rubio thus goes where his boss did not, affirming that the Islamic Republic is not a legitimate representative of Iranians. This approach is similar to Netanyahu, who has issued several messages to the Iranian people, asking them to overthrow their regime. According to US intelligence reports, Israel seeks regime change in Iran, although this goal is easier said than done.

But Trump himself is unlikely to endorse regime change. Trying to get a better deal with Iran fits better with his declared agenda and his approach to foreign relations. Still, backing threats by Israel might be reasonably seen by Trump as a useful negotiating tactic.

Trump himself is unlikely to endorse regime change in Iran. Getting a better deal fits better with his stated approach to foreign relations.

Even top Obama-era officials who helped negotiate the 2015 deal have said that the US should now be prepared to use military force. In a move that has surely sent jitters through Iran, Trump has lifted the Biden administration's ban on the delivery of heavy MK-84 munitions to Israel. These 2,000-pound bombs could be critical to Israeli plans.

The combined economic pressure and military threats are probably enough to send Iranian negotiators to the table. Were the talks to take place, many countries could mediate. According to CNN, Saudi Arabia, which enjoys excellent ties with both the US and Iran, has expressed an openness. There are also reports about Qatar wanting to play such a role.

A deal that could lift the threat of war and scale back Iran's nuclear programme and destructive regional activities would be in the clear interest of the region. Lifting the sanctions on the country's economy could also lessen the complications for trade with Saudis and other economies in the region. Unlike in 2015, GCC countries now mostly enjoy good ties with Iran and will not be opposed to a deal.

Lingering obstacles

But there remain other major obstacles to any deal. First, Khamenei, who will turn 86 in April, might be in no mood to compromise in the twilight of his life. He might fear that a major deal with Trump could be seen as a total surrender for the Islamic Republic. The regime he helped found in 1979 might not survive much of its essence following such a deal.

Second, any deal will be scrutinised and contested inside Trump's camp. It could be seen as throwing it a lifeline after it has been much weakened by the erosion of popular support and the downfall of its regional allies. The Iran hawks in the Trump orbit might instead suggest an alternative approach: continue hitting Iran and keep it weak but also terrified from seeking a nuclear weapon without reaching a deal that could help it rebuild.

Third, if Israel is to acquiesce to a Trump-Iran deal, it might have big asks elsewhere, for example, in relation to its conflict with the Palestinians. Trump's outrageous plans for ethnic cleansing of Gaza, which are now fully endorsed by Netanyahu, might be only the first stage in such a play.  

But Arab countries, including the powerhouse Saudi Arabia, have resolutely opposed such plans and are likely to continue to do so. America can't carry out regional deals without regional support.

Read more: Egypt treads fine line as it pushes for alternative Gaza plan

Fourth, any deal with Iran that addresses all the technical difficulties of a nuclear deal, not to mention other areas of US concerns, such as the 'Axis' and Iran's missiles programme, will require patience and detailed negotiations.

Does the Trump administration have the necessary staffing, patience, and fortitude to conduct the intense negotiations that led to the 2015 Iran Deal under Obama? If the talks are prolonged, will Israel scuttle them in favour of strikes? Will Trump's tough bargaining approach work with Tehran or doom the talks before they get anywhere? These questions will hang over any negotiating process.

Surmountable challenges

As difficult as these obstacles are, none of them are insurmountable. The domestic pressure on Khamenei might very well pressure him to accept a deal. Trump's camp includes many high-ranking figures, such as Vice-President JD Vance, who are highly sceptical of regime change policies, and they might act as a counterweight to the opponents of a deal.

Saudis and other Arab countries might very well be able to moderate Trump's outrageous plans on Palestine and to de-link the issue from Iran. Finally, Trump might be able to find unconventional ways of conducting the talks, perhaps under the auspices of his Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

The future is never easy to predict, certainly not in the Middle East or with the Trump administration. But even as the threat of military strikes on Iran might rise in the near future, Trump will prefer to reach a deal with Tehran.

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