Jumping ship? Allies distance themselves from Hezbollah

Lebanese political alliances are crumbling. Many who stayed silent about Hezbollah for years have started voicing criticism of the group now that it has been decapitated by Israel.

Lebanon's former foreign minister and current parliamentary candidate Gibran Bassil (C) addresses supporters waving Hezbollah flags at his residence after the voting in the parliamentary election in Batroun ended on May 16, 2022.
Ibrahim Chalhoub / AFP
Lebanon's former foreign minister and current parliamentary candidate Gibran Bassil (C) addresses supporters waving Hezbollah flags at his residence after the voting in the parliamentary election in Batroun ended on May 16, 2022.

Jumping ship? Allies distance themselves from Hezbollah

They say there are no such things as permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. Still, the transience of Lebanese political friendships can often seem more fleeting than elsewhere.

This has been on show in recent days, when those who would never normally criticise Hezbollah or its benefactor Iran have done so publicly, raising eyebrows. Analysts have taken note, as has Hezbollah—or what remains of it. Critics of the group have likened it to rats abandoning a sinking ship.

Had Hezbollah a naval force, one suspects it would have been sunk by now. The group has been hit hard in every aspect, experiencing a particularly nightmarish fortnight across the end of September and early October.

Taking a pounding

On 17 September, Hezbollah’s pagers simultaneously exploded across Lebanon, maiming thousands and killing several. Moreover, it quite literally blew up the group’s main communications system. The next day, wireless radios Hezbollah used exploded in synch, injuring hundreds more.

The following day, an Israeli air strike targeted a building in Beirut’s southern suburbs with powerful bunker-busting bombs. It decimated most of the leadership of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Unit.

JOSEPH EID / AFP
An image of the late leader of Hezbollah Hassan Nasrallah with a black stripe for mourning is displayed on a television set airing a broadcast from the private Lebanese station NBN in Beirut on September 28, 2024.

A week later, on 27 September, Hezbollah’s iconic Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah was killed in another Israeli air strike at the group’s leadership headquarters in Haret Hreik, along with several senior leaders. On 3 October, another Israeli air strike killed Nasrallah’s successor, Hashem Safieddine, and 25 other senior leaders.

Hezbollah's decapitation had begun two months earlier, on 30 July, when an Israeli air strike killed Hezbollah's top military commander, Fouad Shukr, in the heart of Dahiyeh. He was Nasrallah's military advisor and the main link to Iran. In between, Israel has killed around 550 Hezbollah fighters in southern Lebanon and Beqaa.

Shattered illusions

Ever since Hezbollah began attacking Israel on 8 October 2023 in support of Hamas in Gaza, the group's Lebanese allies have maintained an uncomfortable silence. After all, Hezbollah was still projecting strength, and Israel's relative restraint while it focused on Gaza suggested to some that it was deterred from doing more.

Between 8 October 2023 and 30 July 2024, Hezbollah maintained an image of strength and dominance on the battlefield, successfully maintaining a strategic balance with Israel.

This balance kept the dynamics of the Lebanese political landscape largely in place for a year. Those supportive of Hezbollah remained supportive, while those opposed remained opposed. It was still regarded as the most powerful force in the country, and most felt that neither side would take things further.

As recent history has shown, they miscalculated. Hezbollah's drubbing has been both public and humiliating. It is now evident to all that Israel did not seek simply to repatriate its citizens to its northern border and deal a blow to Hezbollah but rather to eliminate Hezbollah entirely. In this, it has achieved substantial success.

Lebanese who would never normally criticise Hezbollah or its benefactor Iran are now doing so publicly, raising eyebrows

Allies edge away

This reality has not been lost on Lebanon's ruling elite, including Hezbollah's partners in power-sharing. The most striking example of allies moving away came from its most significant non-Shiite ally, Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM).  In an interview with Al-Arabiya last week, he stated, "We (FPM) are not in an alliance with Hezbollah," which he said "has weakened itself and exposed its military strength, leaving Lebanon as a whole vulnerable to Israeli attacks". 

FPM—a Christian party—has been closely allied with Hezbollah since February 2006. This alliance benefits FPM electorally and administratively, helping it join governments and ensure the presidency of FPM founder Michel Aoun. In return, Hezbollah gained Christian support in nearly two decades of political battles. This support proved beneficial, especially during the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon, which accused Hezbollah of killing Prime Minister Rafic Hariri.

While FPM openly declared the end of its alliance, Lebanon's caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati, a Sunni Muslim, also appeared to be distancing himself. A billionaire well-known for his skilful political manoeuvring and strategic insight, he has maintained ties across the political spectrum since the 1990s, including with Hezbollah. 

Having made much of his fortune in Syria, he has had Syrian backing and held several ministerial positions. In 2011, he played a role in the political coup against Saad Hariri's government, orchestrated by Hezbollah and its allies, and was tasked with forming a so-called "one-colour" government heavily dominated by Hezbollah. 

In 2021, when Saad Hariri was unable to form a government, and Aoun withheld his signature on a decree, it opened the door for Mikati's third premiership, during which Hezbollah controlled more than two-thirds of cabinet seats. 

ANWAR AMRO / AFP
Lebanon's caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati meets with US special envoy Amos Hochstein in Beirut on October 21, 2024.

At the end of September, with Hezbollah's leaders being killed in quick succession, Mikati's behaviour shifted dramatically. He issued an uncharacteristically sharp statement criticising Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf's comments about Tehran's willingness to negotiate for a ceasefire in Lebanon. 

"We are surprised by this stance, which constitutes blatant interference in Lebanese affairs and an attempt to impose unacceptable guardianship over Lebanon," said Mikati. He later added: "It would be better if Iran showed less affection for Lebanon." 

New pastures

Some analysts see Mikati's criticism of Iran as him distancing himself from Hezbollah, an ally that had significantly influenced his political career, but he and Bassil are not alone in their reassessments. Senior leaders within the Amal Movement, Hezbollah's Shiite ally, have also exhibited similar signs of separation. 

In addition, several leaders allied with Hezbollah within the 8 March Coalition are also now publicly distancing themselves from Hezbollah's positions, particularly its decision to initiate the "support war" for Gaza. Likewise, media figures once sympathetic to Hezbollah now sound far less enthused.

Taken together, this all suggests that Lebanon's political class has seen the writing on the wall and jumped ship. The illusion of Hezbollah's power has been well and truly shattered, and its 'friends' are moving on to new pastures.

font change

Related Articles