Naim Qassem: The austere ex-chemist now leading Hezbollah

He subsequently established Islamic centres and schools (such as Al-Mustafa High School), organising events to promote religious awareness, including hijab ceremonies for girls reaching the age of veiling and Ashura gatherings. After the Iranian Revolution, he resigned from all movement and academic roles, choosing instead to pursue further studies at hawzas (traditional Islamic seminaries) in Beirut.

His extensive education led to him being called a "prominent religious intellectual", but his studies did not stop him from continuing his religious outreach in mosques and husseiniyas, where he remains active in promoting Islamic awareness. With Iran's growing presence in Lebanon, he decided to enter politics.

In the early 1980s, he joined fellow supporters of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in Lebanon to form the Islamic Committees, a civil association that was socially and culturally active, advocating for alignment with Iran's revolution. This soon grew into a major political Shiite force which eventually gave rise to the concept of Hezbollah.

Shaping Hezbollah

By 1982, discussions intensified around the need for a Shiite political party closely tied to Iran. Qassem, now a prominent cleric, was instrumental in shaping Hezbollah's early ideology and vision, taking on its educational and scouting responsibilities in Beirut. He became the deputy chair, then the chair of the executive council, before becoming Deputy Secretary-General.

When Secretary-General Abbas Musawi was assassinated, Nasrallah replaced him, bypassing Qassem. After Nasrallah was killed, Hashem Safieddine was put forward. Safieddine's own assassination days later left Qassem as the only remaining choice. Yet his distance from the public reveals what many see as his inability to connect with broader audiences.

During Lebanon's first post-war election cycle in 1992, when Hezbollah entered the parliamentary session for the first time, Qassem was its election coordinator. He later led the body responsible for overseeing the activities, statements, financial transactions, and salaries of Hezbollah's parliamentarians.

Since Hezbollah first participated in government, it has played a pivotal decision-making role within successive Lebanese administrations, exerting influence through its ministers and those of the allied Amal Movement. Collectively known as the 'Shiite duo', they have pursued an agenda at odds with Lebanon's traditional political and cultural identity, its role in the Arab world, and its regional relations.

Problems engaging

Qassem's academic background and fluency in French helped him network across Lebanese political circles, strengthening alliances and expanding Hezbollah's relations with allied Lebanese factions. Ever present in Lebanese public life, he was regularly seen attending official ceremonies, public events, press conferences, and issuing statements on political affairs.

Because Nasrallah made limited public appearances due to security concerns—typically appearing only in televised speeches—Qassem's prominent public role offered him an ideal opportunity for direct engagement, but he did not use it as a springboard for broader influence and public connection.

After Nasrallah was killed, Qassem made four public speeches. In three, he addressed Hezbollah's stance on ceasefire negotiations and the military situation. In the fourth, he proclaimed inevitable victory as the new Secretary-General. In all four, he lacked the charisma and oratory skills of his predecessor.

Stiff body language, grim facial expressions, and a sharp voice convey severity, isolation, and rigidity. The more Hezbollah supporters see and hear of him, the more they grow nostalgic for his predecessor.

Qassem is the most academically accomplished of any Hezbollah Secretary-General, having authored more than 20 books, including titles on Iranian Supreme Leaders Khomeini (Authenticity and Renewal) and Khamenei (The Renewed Guardian). My Story with Hijab, another of his books, highlights his cautionary views on the perceived dangers of women to society, especially divorced women.

Uninspiring choice

Among Twelver Shiites, the colour of the turban is symbolic. A black turban is reserved for descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, lending a particular social and political reverence to some clerics. Qassem wears white. Combined with his lack of charisma, it raises concerns about his ability to inspire an audience.

To succeed, he must overcome his rigid demeanour and develop skills in public speaking, empathy, and audience engagement. His leadership will require him to navigate losses, provide emotional and material reassurance, and transition seamlessly from issue to issue. Without this ability to connect deeply with his audience, he risks destabilising Hezbollah, rather than galvanising it.

To some, Qassem's selection signals Iran's intention to rebuild Hezbollah's doctrinal and ideological foundation. If so, his choice is a strategic political move. Safieddine's appointment would have been a more emotional choice.

Recently, Qassem authorised Amal's long-serving leader Nabih Berri to negotiate on his and Hezbollah's behalf. Rumour has it that he then travelled to Iran, perhaps on the plane with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi or Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf. Whether he finds any charisma in Tehran remains to be seen.