US universities face mounting pressure to silence pro-Palestinian voices

Recent censorship bodes poorly for expressions of free speech on college campuses

People march as they gather to protest the banning of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) at Columbia University on November 20, 2023 in New York City.
AFP
People march as they gather to protest the banning of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) at Columbia University on November 20, 2023 in New York City.

US universities face mounting pressure to silence pro-Palestinian voices

College campuses have historically been at the heart of protest movements and larger political battles, including free speech in the United States. This has especially been the case with Israel’s war on Gaza over the past two months.

Amidst the roiling of pro-Palestinian protests on US college and university campuses, institutions of higher education have also been swept up in a ferocious debate around anti-Semitism, with some conservatives trying to make a direct link between liberal campus culture and anti-Israel rhetoric.

The debate reached what may be its zenith after Republicans in the House Education Committee decided to hold a congressional hearing on 5 December titled “Holding Campus Leaders Accountable and Confronting Antisemitism.”

They invited the presidents of Harvard University, the University of Pennsylvania, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to testify before the Committee on how their institutions have “handled a rise in anti-Semitism incidents on their campuses since the start of the Israel-Hamas war.”

Despite demonstrations nationwide from many lesser-known institutions, why these three schools were selected is unclear but seems attributed to their high-profile status and the Republican desire to use the moment for political gain.

‘Intifada’

While the testimony lasted five hours, it was a single line of questioning from New York Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik that drew the most controversy.

“Does calling for the genocide of Jews violate Penn’s rules or code of conduct, yes or no?” Stefanik grilled Liz Magill, then-president of the University of Pennsylvania, referring, among other things, to phrases such as: “There’s only one solution: Intifada revolution.”

Only Magill’s response— that the answer was “context-dependent”— went viral, but her words echoed those of her peers. Commentators argued that the president’s failure to directly state that the genocide of Jews was wrong resulted from foolish legalese.

University leaders merely applied a legal framework to the question, stating that hateful speech not directed at individuals is often protected, rather than challenging the question’s basic ridiculous premise that intifada — or any of the well-known pro-Palestine political chants on US college campuses for that matter — equates to Jewish genocide.

To Arabic speakers, intifada has nothing to do with hatred of Jews. It means an uprising, has been used even in revolts against Arab governments, and can also take non-violent forms, such as in the case of much of the first Palestinian Intifada (1987-1993).

“It was disturbing to watch the pride Rep. Stefanik took in willfully denying Palestinians their own understanding of what an Arabic word means to them,” Gabriella Martini, a graduate student in a group called MIT Jews for Ceasefire, told Al Majalla.

“To claim some superior understanding of the Arabic itself as well as the historical and cultural context in which calls for intifada exist is a form of Palestinian erasure.”

It was disturbing to watch Rep. Stefanik claim some superior understanding of the historical and cultural context in which calls for intifada exist, is a form of Palestinian erasure.

Gabriella Martini, Jews for Ceasefire member at MIT

Congressional and donor wrath

Stefanik seemed intent on entrapping the presidents to elicit an uproarious public reaction. And that she did just that. Magill's wishy-washy response prompted a huge backlash, creating unusual bipartisan agreement, especially among alumni and donors—including one individual who pulled a $100mn donation from Penn.

Within a few days, 70 members of Congress called for all three presidents to resign. As expected, the harshest backlash landed on Magill, eventually compelling her to issue an apology statement and, ultimately, step down from her position.

Other controversial statements from the hearing that have been tarred as anti-Semitic by Zionists include 'From the river to the sea.' Yet Elliot Colla, who studies Arabic political slogans, has demonstrated its complex roots.

He said its meaning changes over time depending on context — in the North American context, it emerged much later than in Arabic, dating back to the early 2000s or perhaps earlier, and echoes a liberation goal, as well as an attempt to raise American awareness about the centrality of partition in Palestinian history.  

All nuance and history were conveniently left out of the debate. And the only thing that appeared on newscasts was Stefanik's moment, rather than all the time spent by the leaders repeatedly denouncing anti-Semitism, vowing to do more to combat it. In summary, it was a vacuous debate—used for political purposes rather than the sensitive topic at hand. 

All nuance and history were conveniently left out of the debate. And the only thing that appeared on newscasts was Stefanik's moment, rather than all the time spent by the leaders repeatedly denouncing anti-Semitism.

Right-wing track record

Rather than the stated aim of investigating anti-Semitism or free-speech issues on college campuses, the hearing's agenda, perhaps best represented by Congresswoman Stefanik, appears especially pernicious when considering her track record.

A Harvard graduate herself, Stefanik — formerly a member of the board of Harvard's Institute of Politics — faced a petition to remove her from her position for spreading election misinformation in support of Trump in 2021. Forced off her institution's board, Stefanik claimed Harvard yielded to the "woke Left," proudly embracing her removal as a "badge of honour." 

The most revealing aspect of the political theatre came when Stefanik called for the ouster of the MIT and Harvard presidents following Magill's resignation, tweeting on X: "One down, two to go." 

But in addition to her personal vendetta, Stefanik's case also serves as a microcosm for a broader challenge within the Republican Party, which is grappling with the presence of anti-Semitic and nativist sentiments amongst certain supporters.

Over the years, a once-fringe ideology known as the "great replacement theory" has seeped into the Republican mainstream, notably through Tucker Carlson, the country's former leading cable host. 

The most extreme iteration of the great replacement theory alleges that Jews are bringing in black and brown immigrants into the US to replace white people.

This theory is linked to anti-Semitic violence on the American Right, evident in several recent mass shootings in connection with which the perpetrators expressed alignment with the same theory. Stefanik came under scrutiny for campaign ads that played on this theme last November.  

In other words, Republicans — Stefanik foremost among them — have been eager to redirect this conversation about anti-Semitism to being an issue of the left, not just the right. The moment was opportune. 

Over the years, a once-fringe ideology known as the "great replacement theory", which alleges that Jews are bringing in black and brown immigrants into the US to replace white people, has seeped into the Republican mainstream, notably through Tucker Carlson.

Weaponising anti-Semitism

The weaponisation of anti-Semitism and conflating it with anti-Zionism has been a strategy employed by the Israeli government for at least half a century.

This practice heightened during Donald Trump's administration. In 2019, then-President Trump issued an executive order instructing the Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights (OCR) to consult the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's definition of anti-Semitism when evaluating complaints under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which deliberately conflates criticism of policies of the state of Israel with racism against the Jewish people. 

"Before the IHRA definition came along, all of these complaints were dismissed by the OCR on the grounds that Israel and Zionism were political issues, not questions of Jewish identity," Matt Berkman, Assistant Professor of Jewish Studies at Oberlin College, told Al Majalla

Berkman said that by defining anti-Semitism to incorporate specific anti-Zionism expressions, the IHRA definition aims to challenge the previous OCR interpretation and enhance the chances of success for Title VI complaints filed by pro-Israel lawfare groups.

Although it appears that OCR has yet to have issued a judgment based on the anti-Zionism provisions of the IHRA definition, several complaints, which took place before 7 October, are under review. 

In recent weeks, several universities, including Brandeis, Columbia, Rutgers, and George Washington, have banned their Students for Justice in Palestine and/or Jewish Voice for Peace chapters, two anti-Zionist student clubs. Although the exact reasons for the banning are varied, they "may have been acting preemptively to head off Title VI complaints," Berkman said.  

These trends bode poorly for expressions of free speech on college campuses and the crackdown on pro-Palestinian speech in the United States.

Still, President Biden's strategy does not exclusively endorse or embrace the IHRA definition. Although he has not rescinded the order, other interpretations, like the Nexus document, are mentioned by the White House alongside the IHRA one. 

Several universities have recently banned their Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace chapters, two anti-Zionist student clubs. These trends bode poorly for expressions of free speech on college campuses and the crackdown on pro-Palestinian speech in the US.

The United States is better than some countries on this issue, notably Germany, which is known for its abhorrent censorship of the expression of Palestinian rights and has only come down harder in its crackdown post-October 7. 

But whereas the right, unlike Biden's liberal administration, has more aggressively tried to capitalize on university protests by weaponizing anti-semitism, US unconditional support for Israel is a bi-partisan issue that American politicians have been championing for decades.    

For many young Jews in the United States, fighting for the rights of Palestinians is a moral obligation. Martini, the Jewish graduate student part of the Movement for Palestine, said that she "chooses to fight for the rights of all Palestinians regardless because this is consistent with my beliefs that every human life has equal value", and she has not personally encountered any anti-Jewish sentiment in her experiences as a part of this movement. 

"The conflation of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism only harms Jewish people. This is a conflation that Rep. Stefanik, other Republicans, and some Democrats proudly put forward repeatedly throughout the hearing."   

Distraction from war 

According to many experts, it's not a surprise that anti-Semitism has increased in the wake of the explosion of campus activism post-October 7 and the current Gaza War. It has increased at moments of heightened crisis in Israel-Palestine in the past, just as there have been parallel surges in Islamophobia and anti-Arab racism during those times, too.

"That is curious because Israel is supposed to be the answer to anti-Semitism for the Jews, but Israeli policies are one of the main triggers of anti-Semitism today," Omer Bartov, a professor at Brown University and a leading historian of the Holocaust, told Al Majalla

"Sometimes anti-Israel statements do become anti-Semitic. But at the same time, this is giving cover to the more pervasive anti-Semitic sentiments in Europe and the United States, which are among the radical right, not among the so-called liberals." This makes sense because, for the same reasons that came to light with Stefanik, the far-right tends to lean into racial and ethnic prejudices. 

Israeli policy has, on the one hand, thus catalysed strong anti-Israeli sentiment that can be triggered into anti-Semitism. On the other, some scholars have called the Israeli government itself anti-Semitic for being in cahoots with anti-Semitic leaders around the world. Netanyahu has famously been close to Victor Orban, who has espoused anti-Semitic sentiments in the past. 

In addition, the linking of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israelis with the extermination of European Jews by Nazis, as has become common in mainstream Israeli media and political discourse, irrationally legitimises all sorts of violent action emboldening the Israeli army to kill indiscriminately. 

Reuters
Mourners attend the funeral of Palestinian journalist Mohammed Abu Hattab, who was killed in an Israeli strike, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, November 3, 2023.

Read more: Western governments and Gaza's graveyard of children

Israel is supposed to be the answer to anti-Semitism for the Jews, but Israeli policies are one of the main triggers of anti-Semitism today.

Omer Bartov, a leading historian of the Holocaust

This rhetoric is behind the genocidal intent leading the war on Gaza, with its disproportionate killing of thousands of civilians and displacement of 85% of the strip's densely packed population with no intention of returning Palestinians — just as in the 1948 Nakba.    

Getty/AFP
Left: Palestinians fleeing their homes in 1948 after the creation of the state of Israel. Right: Palestinians flee from northern Gaza to the south after the Israeli army issued an unprecedented evacuation warning on 13 October 2023

Read more: The Palestinian Nakba did not end in 1948

"I would say that the use of such terms as anti-Semitism when speaking about what is going on in the Middle East right now is only confusing matters and is meant to obfuscate one of the immediate and deeper causes of the crisis: Israeli occupation, not anti-Semitism, not the Holocaust, not Zionism."

"It is that Israel has been occupying the Palestinians for decades and refuses to find any political solution," said Bartov. 

Measuring anti-Semitic activity is particularly difficult because of the enormous pressure that the Israeli government and some establishment US Jewish groups have put on conflating criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism. This is compounded by the fact reliable data is hard to obtain. 

The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), a New York-based NGO and advocacy group that accepts the IHRA definition of antisemitism, showed an uptick in "antisemitic" incidents from 400 in the past two months to just 33 reported over the same period last year.

But, as the Intercept has reported, ADL included protests organised by Jewish peace groups in that tally. Besides the federal government, they are the only organization that has the national infrastructure to systematically track antisemitic incidents, according to Berkman. 

When prominent Jewish organisations themselves choose to blur the lines between Judaism and Zionism, it's regrettably unsurprising that some uncritical others would follow suit.

Yet chants by both Jewish and non-Jewish anti-Zionist activists on college campuses calling for a ceasefire are bound only to increase so long as the carnage in Gaza continues.

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