Netanyahu’s use of the Gaza war for political gain is leaving Biden exposed

As global public opinion turns against Israel, its leader’s opportunism in furthering his own ambitions is becoming more of a problem for his ally

AFP

Biden and Netanyahu in their meeting in Tel Aviv on Oct 18

Netanyahu’s use of the Gaza war for political gain is leaving Biden exposed

Majed Kayali

last update on 16 Dec 2023

The rejection by Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of suggestions that the Palestinian Authority to govern Gaza after the war was not surprising.

But then he went further.

Having voiced objections to Gaza turning into what he called a "Hamas-stan" or a "Fatah-stan,” he implied that rather than brining the PA to Gaza, Israel could take conflict to the West Bank.

His words came as Israel is already aggressive in that part of Palestine, allowing the arming of its settlers there, who can oppress Palestinians with impunity, while encroaching further on their lands and properties.

Netanyahu went further in terms of domestic politics. He attributed responsibility for Hamas’ 7 October attacks – and the consequences of them for Israel’s once-proud security reputation – to more dovish politicians at home: The Labour Party and the centrist groups that endorsed the Oslo Accords of 1993.

Rather than bringing peace, he said those agreements strengthened Palestinian politics. Then distanced himself once again from the Likud Party’s previous endorsement of the unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, which he opposed in 2005, but was backed by other notable figures, including Ariel Sharon, Ehud Olmert, and Tzipi Livni.

The enemy of Oslo

And so Netanyahu’s continued exploitation of war for political gain goes beyond trying to avoid the blame and mitigate the consequences for his government. It has become a means to settle old scores, from discrediting the Oslo accords to dismatling the political set-up of the Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank.

This is a goal he has been seeking ever since he first held power in 1996.

He stands as the principal architect of the policy to disengage from the Oslo Accords and undermine the very existence of the PA, as the most hawkish Israeli politician in this respect, beyond even Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon.

He assumed the leadership of Likud and the country with the explicit intention of opposing the agreement.

And the Oslo Accords went on lead to the assassination of the prime minister and leader of the Labour Party who backed them, Yitzhak Rabin, in November 1995.

Throughout Netanyahu’s three tenures as prime minister, he thwarted the formation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza and aligned Likud with the nationalist and religious right.

He has entrenched these policies during his spells in office – from 1996 to 1999; 2009 to 2021; and his current tenure from late 2022. He is the longest-serving prime minister in Israel’s history, surpassing even its founder David Ben-Gurion, whose tenure lasted only 12 years.

Throughout Netanyahu's three tenures as prime minister, he thwarted the formation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza and aligned Likud with the nationalist and religious right.

The enemy of unity

Netanyahu' extremism have not only affected the Palestinian situation. It has had major consequences in Israel itself. The country is now significantly divided by his attempt to reshape it. The intention is to take the political system away from its founding principles – of secular liberal democracy and consensus building – and toward a narrower identity as a Jewish state.

This process, undertaken by the most right-wing government in the country's history, has caused unprecedented protests at home and concern abroad. Even relations with its main ally, the United States, have been strained, as they have with several governments in the West, even before the Gaza war.

AFP — Smoke billows from Israeli bombardment over Khan Yunis from Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on December 16, 2023

Netanyahu is following a deeply held political ideology and sees a historic chance to remake the state. He is not motivated only by ambition for himself and his party.

But the extent of his aggression in Gaza has shown how far he is willing to go. His war there looks genocidal, as if he is trying to erase the Strip from the map.

In the face of international warnings and condemnation from global public opinion – including Jewish groups – Netanyahu has portrayed his war as a triumph, deflecting blame for the intelligence lapses that were exploited by Hamas' attack.

The Washington enablers

Ever since the Oslo Accords opened the way toward the establishment of a Palestinian state to end the crisis in the Middle East, the US has never put pressure on Israel to live up to their promise.

Washington has not even prevented Israel from encouraging more of its settlers to take land on the West Bank and in Jerusalem.

President Joe Biden's position on the issue is in line with this trend, which dates back 30 years to when the accords were signed in Bill Clinton's White House.

His presidency was most notable for its lack of pressure on Tel Aviv and it was Clinton that pushed the Palestinians into the so-called "Camp David-2" talks in 2000, which came before Israel had fulfilled its side of the Accord's transitional arrangements.

And President George W Bush took no action when Israel evaded its commitments under what was known as the "road map" plan.

In short, the US offers the Palestinians nothing more than rhetoric, while delivering significant political, financial, and military support to Israel.

US presidents are openly aligned with Zionism, and closely identify with being Jewish. And it seems that secretaries of state visit Israel on domestic business rather than as foreign ministers.

The US will object to Israel occupying Gaza. It will urge against civilian casualties, land annexation and mass displacement of Palestinians. And then it will use its veto power in the United Nations against any international resolution calling for a ceasefire.

It leaves Washington watching as the death toll mounts while around 70% of Gaza's infrastructure is destroyed and over 2mn people endure displacement without proper access to vital resources including water, electricity, medicine, and food.

All of this is, in effect, going on with tacit political support from the US and the instrumental support of the superpower's weaponry, ammunition and financial aid.

It seems that Biden is in alignment with Netanyahu's strategy concerning the Palestinians. Differences primarily concern tactics.

The US will object to Israel occupying Gaza. It will urge against civilian casualties, land annexation and mass displacement of Palestinians. And then it will use its veto power in the United Nations against any international resolution calling for a ceasefire.

Demonstrations and domestic disagreements

But the disagreement over Netanyahu's domestic agenda for Israel is more substantive. Before the war in Gaza broke out, Biden was distancing himself from Netanyahu, and only visited the country since the Hamas attacks, to voice unwavering support for Israel.

Since the brutality of the war on the Strip, global public opinion has shifted against Israel, with significant implications for Biden. That helps explain the shift in Washington's rhetoric, at least in public, while it also allows the conflict to continue.

It will become more difficult for the US to hold these positions amid widespread protests against the Gaza war at home, in Europe and around the world. The inclusion of Jewish groups in the anti-war movement shows how claims that Israel is the only place members of the faith can be safe is wrong. And how Netanyahu's aggression has actually made matters worse.

The demonstrations come amid the increasing exposure of Israel as an apartheid state involved in a genocidal war against the Palestinians. And they are likely to grow in noise and in number as the Israeli army struggles to bring the Strip under its control, despite the destruction, displacement and death it has caused.

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