Exclusive: Pompeo says Putin seized on Biden’s mistakes, urges united front against China

In an exclusive interview with Al Majalla, the former US secretary of state praises Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and predicts better relations with Riyadh if the Republicans win the White House

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo speaks on "China challenge to US national security and academic freedom," on December 9, 2020, in Atlanta, Georgia.
AFP
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo speaks on "China challenge to US national security and academic freedom," on December 9, 2020, in Atlanta, Georgia.

Exclusive: Pompeo says Putin seized on Biden’s mistakes, urges united front against China

Mike Pompeo is the only person to have served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency and as Secretary of State, two of the biggest jobs in the US government.

He held both jobs during Donald Trump’s presidency and is poised to return to high office if the Republicans win the general election due in November 2024.

In an exclusive interview with Al Majalla, Pompeo said the invasion of Ukraine could have been prevented if the West had stuck with agreements and conditions set by the Trump administration.

He drew a distinction between the approaches of Trump and Biden, saying Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was encouraged to invade Ukraine because he saw that aggression did not come with any significant consequences.

Pompeo also pointed out that Ukraine first lost lands to Russia in 2014, during the Obama administration, and describes Russia's 2022 invasion as "the most significant global political shift since he left office."

Pompeo’s words and perspective carry a lot of weight. He has a profound understanding of the Middle East, the Gulf, and global affairs and a very different approach than that of America's current president Joe Biden — not just on Russia, but also on China, Saudi Arabia and Iran.

On the threat of China, Pompeo called for the establishment of an "effective front to address Beijing's behaviour, comprising countries like the United States, European nations, Japan, Singapore, India, and others that have experienced negative impacts due to China's actions."

Meanwhile, he criticised Biden’s policies toward Saudi Arabia and Iran and promised a different approach if Trump wins back the White House.

Pompeo pointed to a “strong partnership with King Salman bin Abdulaziz, and the remarkable leader Prince Mohammed bin Salman”, calling them “leaders who want good for their people and work to combat terrorism and build peace."

AFP
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo (L) shakes hands with Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at Irqah Palace in the capital Riyadh on February 20, 2020.

He drew attention to the contrast in the Biden administration’s dealings with Iran, compared with Trump’s, saying the current president is focused “exclusively on improving the relationship with Iran” in an effort to reengage in the nuclear agreement, despite its flaws.

“The decision by the Biden administration not to impose sanctions on Iran has had repercussions. Israel, a longstanding friend, and partner began to question the reliability of US support when required. Similarly, leaders of Arab Gulf nations raised concerns about the consistency of support from the United States, resulting in potential risks both regionally and globally.”

In response to a question regarding the re-engagement with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Pompeo stated that normalisation was a result of dwindling confidence in American policies.

He said that when Iran and Russia “run free inside of Syria,” neighbouring nations feel compelled to take matters into their own hands to influence the situation. Consequently, the renewed engagement of Gulf states with al-Assad can be attributed, in part, to their perception of a failed American policy in the region.

This interview was conducted over the phone on 3 August. Below are excerpts from the interview.


You are the only person to have served as CIA director and secretary of state. How were the challenges in those positions different?

Very difficult. Very different commissions and very different teams. As CIA director, you can work very quietly, and the team is focused on the narrow mission of collecting intelligence, doing the analysis, and then being prepared to conduct covert operations. Those three tasks, combined with global counter-terrorism, are the focus.

At the State Department, it is a much bigger organisation, with a much broader mandate. It is truly a policy role and is fundamentally different from that of the CIA director.

How do you think the threats America faced during your time as secretary of state have evolved since you left office?

That's a big question. Clearly, the West was unable to continue on the terms that we established and Vladimir Putin has now invaded Europe.

The Iranians today have more money, more wealth and more resources with which to build Hezbollah and other groups. It is more powerful, more capable, and more likely to have the tools and resources to develop its nuclear weapons programme than it had on our watch.

And then finally, the Chinese Communist Party continues its threatening behaviour.

AFP
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo speaks on "China challenge to US national security and academic freedom," on December 9, 2020, in Atlanta, Georgia.

That is not terribly different than when we left office two and a half years ago, but the reluctance of the West to challenge that, I think is different.

This is an economic conflict. We must protect American jobs, intellectual property and basic property rights. This applies to other countries as well. We all have an awful lot of work to do there.

After we left office, Putin felt emboldened to invade Ukraine and the Iranians today have more money with which to build Hezbollah and other groups. The West is now more reluctant. This is what is different.

How do you see the future of American-Chinese relations in the coming few years?

It's very difficult to give a short answer. The best approach depends on leadership from rights-respecting nations, and those of us who believe in basic human dignity and property rights.

It also depends on the internal dynamics inside of China – whether Xi Jinping really wants to take the risks that go with his current strategy.

I suspect the Jinping team has every intention to continue its pursuit of hegemonic dominance. This necessitates that the United States, Europe, Japan, Singapore, and India — all those who are adversely impacted by a communist, Marxist-Leninist model of global behaviour — have to work together, build a coalition and be serious about confronting this threat.

What is the difference between Trump's approach and Biden's approach vis-à-vis Russia and now the Ukraine war?

The most important difference is that we exercised deterrence. If you remember, Putin invaded Crimea in 2014 when Obama was in office and took one-fifth of Ukraine. Then for four years, he didn't take an inch of Europe — not one inch. But as soon as we left, he went after it again.

So to answer your question, the difference is that Putin wasn't afraid to take aggressive action, which has now resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Ukrainians. He didn't take the resolve of the West under Biden's leadership seriously.

This is the fundamental difference.

Putin didn't take the resolve of the West under Biden's leadership seriously. He wasn't afraid to take aggressive action, which has now resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Ukrainians.

Let's move to the Middle East. How do you view relations between America and the region? What do you think of Biden's policy there?

The Biden administration made at least two — but probably three — fundamental errors.

Under Trump, the US expanded commerce, freedom, and relationships with every nation in the region except for one: Iran.

AFP
US President Donald Trump / Small Business Administrator Jovita Carranza speaks on small business relief in the Roosevelt Room of the White House in Washington, DC on April 7, 2020.

The Biden administration did the opposite of that and focused exclusively on improving America's relationship with Iran, trying to re-enter a fluid nuclear deal, and now we are seeing the result of this policy.

The United States is not as close to Israel as it was just two and a half years ago. Gulf Arab states do not have confidence in the US, so they have begun to hedge their bets.

When you have a president call a Middle Eastern leader a pariah, that nation is going to behave differently than when you say 'Look, we want to work alongside you. We want to be your security partner. We will certainly let you know if we're not happy about something you're doing but we understand that you want to be part of a solution that has delivered good outcomes post World War II for 75 years plus, instead of a model that looks fundamentally different from that.'

The Biden administration does not enforce sanctions against Iran which has also shaken Israel's confidence in the US. So, if you're a Gulf Arab leader, you begin to think: 'I wonder if I really have the full-throated support of the United States?'

And that creates risks not just in the region but all around the world.

And I think always about this, we put America first and always think about this from America's perspective: Without increased co-existence, without prosperity, which was a direct result of the Abraham Accords — a historic set of agreements that happened on our watch — then we might have to send Americans off to fight in wars. We shouldn't let this happen.

It's very unfortunate that the Biden administration upended a trajectory in the Middle East that would have led to broad peace, broad peaceful coexistence in a way that I think, for a long time, people would never imagine is possible. But we made it happen.

Under Trump, the US expanded commerce, freedom, and relationships with every nation in the region except for one: Iran. The Biden administration did the opposite of that.

What is the best American approach toward Saudi Arabia and  Iran?

Well now, Iran is trying to foment terror around the world, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is seeking to build its nation and take care of its people. That answers your question.

AFP
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Saudi ambassador to the United States Princess Reema Bint Bandar pose for a photo with other women leaders before holding a roundtable coffee with Saudi Women Leaders at Princess Reema's Palace.

We have to push back and enforce stringent sanctions against the Iranian regime to deny them the wealth to continue to, quite frankly, terrorise their own citizens.

The regime in Iran is bad for its people, for the Gulf, for Israel and for the United States. We need to enforce sanctions which the current American government does not do.

There are some remarkable leaders in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates, who want more peace and more prosperity for their people.

We should forge deep economic and diplomatic ties with these countries. When we do that, we will build not only a safer and more secure Middle East for the people who live there but for the world as well.

The American elections are next year. If the Republicans win, what kind of policy can we expect vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia?

The policy will look much more like the policy that the Trump administration had, serious engagement with the King (Salman) and the remarkable leader Mohammed bin Salman. It will engage with leaders who want good things for their own people and are working to clamp down on terrorism and build peace.

I think you will see a Republican administration — whoever ends up being nominated from our party — grab that back in the very same way that we had during the Trump administration.

There are some remarkable leaders in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the UAE, who want peace and prosperity for their people. We should forge deep economic and diplomatic ties with these countries.

Would you join the administration if the Republicans win?

I don't know. There's a long way to go. I almost always say yes when people have asked me this, but I don't want to speculate about what's next. I'm just hopeful that we will elect a strong, conservative leader who will do the right thing for America.

What about Syria? As you know some Arab countries started normalisation with Damascus and the Biden administration did not do much to stop this normalisation. What do you think of that? And what do you think is the right approach vis-à-vis al-Assad?

We've been pretty clear in our approach. Our approach was to continue to recognise that he is a butcher who has done so much harm to his own people. Millions of Syrians have fled the country as a direct result of the actions that al-Assad has taken.

The re-engagement of the Gulf states with al-Assad is, at least in part, a result of failed American policy.

Middle Eastern countries feel compelled to deal with al-Assad for the same reasons that I described earlier: If you don't have confidence in the United States which has allowed Iran and Russia to run free inside of Syria, and you're in the neighbourhood, you're going to try and shape that outcome.

If you don't have confidence in the US, which has allowed Iran and Russia to run free inside of Syria, you will try to shape that outcome. This is why Arab leaders feel compelled to deal with al-Assad.

What do you think of artificial intelligence?

I believe artificial intelligence will be enormously beneficial to all of humankind. Of course, this comes with a lot of risks, but I believe these risks are manageable. 

The benefits are plenty: Creativity, productivity, enormous wealth creation, and a reduction in the costs associated with this set of tools.

AI — but also machine learning, Quantum, and more broadly speaking, Blockchain technologies — can fundamentally make life better for so many people.

I hope AI is not regulated in a way that denies these productivity gains that the world so desperately needs.

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