Israel’s ‘Netanyahuism’ runs deeper than judicial reform

For the Palestinians, Israel's domestic debates have an influence all of their own. While the biggest issue there right now is controversial plans for judicial reform, wider populist changes have profound consequences.

Judicial Controversy

Minister of Justice Yariv Levin intensified the political debate with his announcement of comprehensive reforms, which includes substantial amendments to the composition of the Judicial Selection Committee in Israel.

The plan also involves significant changes in the status and powers of the Attorney General and the introduction of an "Override Clause" that allows the Knesset to bypass potential objections from the Supreme Court regarding laws the parliament enacts.

Minister Levin and other influential figures within the government led by the Likud Party, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have long planned to reform the judicial system. 

But they surprised both the Israeli opposition and members of the coalition parties with two main aspects of their proposals – the extent of government control over the judiciary and the comprehensive nature of the rest of the changes.

The reforms will effectively transform the judiciary into a tool to serve Netanyahu's objectives, with limits on its ability to object to government policies.

The sheer scale of the reforms presented all at once, caught many off guard, angering opposition parties and raising serious concern within wider Israeli society. Widespread protests have been ongoing for approximately four months.

Read more: Netanyahu bid to curb Israeli Supreme Court powers sparks national outcry

These protests are unprecedented in Israel and are persistent and intense, surpassing even the most turbulent waves of political protests witnessed in other countries.

It seems that the protests came too late to have a significant impact on the proposals. The political conflict in Israel is also more complex and involves a range of issues alongside judicial independence, including the country's democratic credentials, the distribution of its resources and its cultural orientations.

Even as this debate rages, there remains a broad strategic agreement among Israelis on supporting the Jewishness of the state and Jewish supremacy within it. 

Meanwhile, the Palestinians inside Israel and abroad, including their national movement, are an important and central factor in the conflict, but they are also internally divided and weakened.

The term "Netanyahuism" captures the prime minister's comprehensive project for change in Israel. It is wider than the proposed changes to the Israeli judicial system and its relationship with the government. There is a larger project aimed at transforming the country.

Netanyahuism is ambitious and it seeks to guide Israel into what is referred to as the Third Republic. But before Netanyahu's project, Israel had experienced two distinct political phases.

The First Republic

Its First Republic was led by Ben-Gurion and his policies. It established Israel and implemented an ethnic cleansing project that resulted in the displacement of Palestinians. It also entailed the migration of hundreds of thousands of Jews from the West and the East into the newly formed state.

Read more: 75 years later, unpacking the Palestinian Nakba still difficult

During this phase, there was an attempt to implement what was termed the Melting Pot project, which aimed to sever connections with the Jewish past in the diaspora and construct a new Israeli-Jewish identity.

This new identity emphasised fluency in Hebrew, active participation in building the society, including military service, and contributing to the economy, culture, and community structure of the emerging state.

During the First Republic, state institutions were established, and the social, economic, cultural, and military aspirations of the state were nurtured.

This involved preventing Palestinian refugees from returning, waging wars against neighbouring Arab countries, and establishing a network of internal and external relations that continue to shape the Israeli situation today.

The Second Republic

The Second Republic emerged following the political coup of 1977 when Likud, previously the main opposition party, came to power.

This phase, represented by Menachem Begin and influenced by the ideology of Vladimir Jabotinsky, witnessed significant social, political, and cultural changes in Israel, setting it apart from the First Republic while building upon its achievements.

Key developments included granting political legitimacy to the Likud Party. Mizrahim Jews, of Eastern and North African descent, were moved into prominent positions in politics, culture, and economy.

A strong alliance was formed with religious groups, particularly the national religious factions, and substantial progress was made in settlement operations in the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem.

Conflict with the Palestinians intensified, resulting in the expulsion of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) from Lebanon and the exile or persecution of leaders and activists in the West Bank and Gaza.

There was some limited space for Palestinian national activities, but the approach of the Mapai, the founding party of Israel, relied on censorship and control. This contributed to the strengthening of Palestinian national institutions, civil society, and ties with the PLO.

These factors ultimately led to the outbreak of the First Intifada, a Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

During the Second Republic, the right wing, primarily represented by the Likud, faced challenges in fully implementing its agenda and bringing about substantial change.

The electoral landscape during the 1990s and early 2000s fluctuated between supporting the Likud Party and its allies and supporting the Labour Party and its allies. Moreover, the political elites associated with the Mapai Party maintained a dominant presence in key centres of power, including the courts, universities, cultural institutions, and labour unions.

The Third Republic

The emergence of the Third Republic can be traced back to Netanyahu's return to power in 2009.

Around this time, there was growing support for the Israeli right wing, leading to the establishment of a dominant right-wing bloc. This bloc includes the Likud, right-wing parties aligned with the settler movement and its supporters, religious-nationalist parties, and parties representing the Haredi (Ultra-Orthodox) community, such as United Torah Judaism, Agudat Yisrael, and the Shas party.

These parties had previously shifted between the Likud and the Labour Party during the Second Republic but underwent significant political and ideological transformations to align themselves with the right wing, particularly under the leadership of Netanyahu.

The right wing, and Likud specifically, have also strengthened their influence among demographic segments such as Mizrahi Jews, religious communities, especially the Haredim, and a significant portion of immigrants from the former Soviet Union, who constitute a substantial voting bloc in Israel.

Under Netanyahu's leadership, the right wing gradually aimed at significant changes amounting to Netanyahuism. Despite the recent focus on the judicial changes and the ongoing protests against this response has come late to the overall project.

Netanyahu's initiation of this radical programme of change was long in the planning. That began during his spell in the political wilderness after his removal from power in 1999 and the subsequent rise of other leaders.

During this time, Likud significantly declined, especially with the establishment of the centrist party Kadima in 2005 under Ariel Sharon's leadership. Netanyahu used this period to develop his own concepts and strategies for transforming Israel.

The changes were aimed at preventing the return of the left wing to power, thwarting the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, and reinforcing the perceived ethnic superiority of the Jewish people while solidifying control over the "Land of Israel." Furthermore, these changes sought to reshape power dynamics in Israel's diverse society.

The dominance of the right wing and its alliance was key to these ambitions. It involved legitimising the right wing, including factions with fascist and racist tendencies, and incorporating them into the government.

It also encompassed drawing the left-wing and centrist projects into a deadlock, particularly those centred around reconciliation with the Palestinians.  

Netanyahu's approach involved seizing the socio-economic agenda of the left wing and centre, as well as deepening communications with marginalised groups. This resulted in the fragmentation of the Israeli left wing and a gradual weakening of the centre, which became unclear and uninspiring.

Netanyahu uses populism to hold onto power in Israel. It involves a struggle against the established elites and the institutions they control, such as universities, the judiciary, and the media, among others. 

Populism also targets groups perceived as external threats, such as minorities and immigrants, while emphasising tribal and ethnic identity and the notion that it is under threat from global influences.

Ultimately, populism is portrayed as a stronger commitment to what is perceived as the values and interests of the Jewish people in general and Israelis in particular.

After Netanyahu assumed power for the second time in 2009, he wasted no time in implementing a series of significant and far-reaching reforms.

Much of these changes were aimed at the parts of the public sector often referred to as the deep state. He proceeded to introduce extensive modifications to laws and educational programmes, with a particular focus on bolstering the presence of religion and conservative values in the public sphere.

This influence also extended to the military, in which leadership positions were filled with religious nationalist settlers, committed to expanding Israeli territory.

In universities, a youth movement called "Im Tirtzu" targeted left-wing and Arab students, closely monitoring lecturers and scrutinising the content of their courses. In the public sector, Netanyahu made alterations to the distribution of financial resources and appointments, including the judicial system.

His influence permeated the prevailing political culture to the extent that appointments included people accused of corruption and the abuse of power. That became an accepted norm in Israeli society, helping him to deal with similar accusations.

In the cultural sphere, Netanyahu encouraged the establishment of modern media and communication outlets while ensuring a prominent presence of right-wing voices in both traditional and emerging media platforms.

These changes had a profound impact on Israel, establishing in effect, its Third Republic.

Levin Plan reflects wider changes

The ongoing heat around judicial reform, known as the "Levin Plan" shows the culmination of the wider changes. As the protests continue over this late stage of a wider project, negotiations are underway under the auspices of the President's Office to determine which changes can be made and which postponed.

Whichever elements of Netanyahuism are delayed will probably be gradually reintroduced in the future.

Racial dominance project

The internal transformation of Israel is a crucial aspect of Netanyahuism. It goes beyond mere political opposition to a Palestinian state. It seeks to wipe out any serious consideration of such a state by the Israeli left wing and centre.

The transformation reflects a shift towards racial dominance and superiority, disregarding the perceptions and concerns of the West.

The main strategic aim is to reshape Israeli society and the state, moving away from the liberal context commonly accepted in the West.

While Israel was not initially conceived as a liberal state, the aim now is to create a more traditional, conservative, and right-wing society openly rooted in the values of dominance and the authority of the Jewish nationalist community. 

This approach seeks to resonate with historically marginalised groups, such as the Mizrahi and the religiously observant, bringing them closer to the mainstream culture.

These objectives and transformations are ongoing, with no definitive end in sight. The Netanyuhanist ideology seeks to reshape Israel in a way that aligns with its vision, challenging conventional Western norms and redefining the nation's identity.

Furthermore, it also aims to create political, economic, and cultural shifts that distance the country from the influence of the elite of Western Ashkenazi Jews. Instead, the focus is on embracing a more religious, conservative approach that aligns with the values and perspectives of Mizrahi Jews.

This reflects a complex and multifaceted conflict among various orientations over the situation in Palestine/Israel.

It follows genuine and distinct currents within Israeli society, along internal political lines and between Palestinians and Israelis.

Additionally, there are divisions between religious conservatives and secularists, between the urban centres and the periphery, between Easterners and Westerners, and between globalising tendencies and identity-driven tendencies. These divisions and differences are constantly in flux.

Their contradictions and differences have become increasingly prominent in recent protests in Israel and are extensively discussed in the media.

Some individuals still deny these divisions, but the prevailing trend in Israel acknowledges and openly engages with them, recognising the clear connection between the issues and the ongoing changes led by the government, as well as the protests and objections that have emerged as a result.

It is crucial to recognise that the social, political, and cultural landscape in Israel is intricate, encompassing a wide range of perspectives and conflicts that have been brought to the forefront through ongoing events and debates.

Throughout, the Palestinians are direct victims of Netanyahuism. They are also potentially involved in confronting it.

At its core, Netanyahuism seeks to bring about radical changes within Israeli Jewish society, particularly regarding the status of the Supreme Court and its ability to restrain government policies in Jerusalem and the West Bank.

Even more significant is the aspiration to exercise complete control over what Netanyahu refers to as "the land of Israel" and prevent any establishment of a Palestinian state.

This ideology also upholds Jewish racial superiority without hesitation, disregarding international values, norms, and even the democratic principles upheld by countries supporting Israel, especially in North America and Western Europe.

The subjugation of Palestinians to Jewish racial superiority and control is a fundamental element of Netanyahuism. It applies in the West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem in the diaspora and within the Green Line

These aspirations are explicitly articulated in documents such as the 2018 Nation-State Law and the guidelines of the current government approved by the Knesset in 2022.

In general, the changes Netanyahuism seeks do not bring about a significant shift in the situation and status of Palestinians within the context of Jewish racial superiority, which has been a prevailing ideology and practice since 1948, and the rejection of the possibility of a two-state division of Palestine.

Important opportunity for Palestinians

This same logic has shaped the plight of Palestinians since the Nakba, but it now appears more overt, racist, and populist. That means it presents an additional and important opportunity for Palestinians to intensify their efforts and activities in confronting Israel.

The current government, its programmes, and policies actively work towards reinforcing the apartheid system and persisting with the colonial settlement throughout historical Palestine with unwavering determination.

Thus, the current government can serve as a pivotal force for Palestinians and their allies to isolate Israel and gradually take it to a point where it can no longer sustain its colonial and apartheid regime.

Palestinians have three main sets of expectations:

Firstly, it is essential for Palestinians to develop a clear and viable vision for the future of their project. It should be one that can secure support from Palestinians, Israeli Jews, the Arab and Islamic world, and the international community, both at official and grassroots levels. Overcoming the notion that Palestinians should not be required to present such a project is crucial.

Read more: It's time for a realistic approach to Palestinian resistance

Palestinians themselves need to take the initiative, as no one else will do it for them. Setting out a vision for the future is the primary step towards breaking free from colonialism and apartheid.

Secondly, Palestinians should strategise and mobilise communities and nations to support their cause.

This involves reaffirming the significance of their cause in the Arab and Islamic worlds, as well as in North America and Western Europe. A commitment to democratic values, citizenship, equality, and a strong emphasis on popular resistance against apartheid, racial superiority, and the colonial situation in Palestine are key elements.

Thirdly, internal organisation is vital.

Palestinians, particularly after the Oslo Accords and the transformation of their movement into an authority, have become entangled in local identities and various agendas arising from their diverse circumstances.

The national movement has weakened, and slogans have become empty without the support of elites, leaders, and activists. While there is an ongoing debate about the necessity of overcoming this, the focus should primarily be on internal unity and organisation.

Addressing these challenges is crucial for Palestinians to make substantial progress in all areas, whether in achieving qualitative change or working towards it.

While Israeli persecution and policies contribute to this predicament, it is also intertwined with internal failures within the Palestinian community. These challenges have persisted since the emergence of the national movement following the failure of the Arab state project in Damascus after World War I.

It is high time to overcome all this internally, by firmly committing to the democratic choice and taking decisive action, such as holding comprehensive Palestinian elections for a representative National Council. Without undertaking such measures, Palestinians will continue to face stagnation due to internal mismanagement.

The nationalist and conservative changes pursued by Netanyahu provide the context in which the Palestinians must operate.

While these politics may bring Israel closer to the conditions in the Arab world, making it more Middle Eastern and less Western or European, they also contribute to increased racism and animosity towards Arabs and their causes. This affects the Palestinian cause and the rights of Palestinians in Palestine and in the diaspora. 

Read more: Digital archive to help reunite Palestinians in the diaspora

The Israeli changes have the potential to exacerbate tensions between Israel and the Arab population, causing further alienation. Netanyahu's statements and policies, which directly impact nearly every Arab household, reinforce the perception that Israel is not seeking integration within the region while it actively undermines Palestinian rights.

Arab rapprochement

Meanwhile, the state of the wider Arab world is fragile and fragmented. It is often defined by the vested interests of Arab regimes and their leaders who strive to maintain power.

Their fear of external threats, primarily represented by Iran, and their aspiration for a close relationship with the US, including access to advanced weaponry, have contributed to a form of Arab-Israeli rapprochement.

This evolving Arab-Israeli rapprochement has yielded significant achievements for Israel, such as diplomatic breakthroughs, expanded trade, and increased openness with Arab nations.

These accomplishments have primarily occurred during Netanyahu's tenure and align with his broader vision of advancing Israeli interests. Netanyahu takes pride in redefining the relationship between the Palestinian cause and normalisation, demonstrating that Israel can establish normalised relations with Arab states without a just resolution to the Palestinian cause.

In essence, the dynamics of change and Israel's aspirations under the Netanyahu era were expected to further isolate it from the Arab world. However, the weak and fragmented nature of the Arab landscape, coupled with the absence of clear leadership, particularly among the Palestinians, has complicated that.

Israel has continued to secure substantial gains at the expense of Arab regimes while encountering growing opposition from the Arab populace, which steadfastly rejects the acceptance of Israel as an integral part of the region.