Why some are trying to pull Syria into Lebanon’s crises

Media outlets in Lebanon seem to come up with a new ‘story’ about Syria’s aims and intentions every day. Who is behind them and what do they want?

Why some are trying to pull Syria into Lebanon’s crises

Lebanon’s crises overlap and accumulate. The country has faced, and continues to face, economic collapse, financial paralysis, social exhaustion, mass displacement, and a war that has never truly fallen silent. Hezbollah remains armed. Israeli military action alone cannot disarm it, nor can the Lebanese army, for reasons many understand. The old habit of papering over contradictions has lost its utility. Lebanon’s future, its stability and its sovereignty, remains tied to the fate of this Iran-backed militia.

Yet despite all this, much of the Lebanese media remains fixated on Syria. At times, this can feel natural. After all, geography has its own gravity, and its border with Syria to the north and east is almost five times as long as its border with Israel to the south. What is harder to justify is the steady stream of fabricated stories about Syria that some Lebanese outlets continue to circulate.

Some are incitements driven by exiled remnants of the former Assad regime who do not want the new Syria to stabilise and prosper. Others are fabrications designed to drag Damascus into Lebanon’s internal disputes. They often quote (perhaps fictitious) ‘sources’ claiming to relay the statements or intentions of Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa on Lebanese factional matters on which he would almost certainly not be concerned. Yet it is these stories that may prove the more dangerous of the two.

Ulterior motives

Some Lebanese actors invoke Syria and al-Sharaa to settle domestic scores, ignoring what he has already stated. “In Lebanon, one camp sees us as an existential threat, and another wants to use the new equation to take revenge on its rivals,” the Syrian president said. “We are neither this nor that. We want a state-to-state relationship.” He has repeated this position and acted on it consistently, insisting that dealings with Lebanon proceed institutionally, minister-to-minister, state-to-state.

In Lebanon, one camp sees us as an existential threat, and another wants to use the new equation to take revenge on its rivals. We are neither this nor that. We want a state-to-state relationship.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa

A few weeks ago, Beirut was abuzz with rumours that the Syrian army was preparing to enter Lebanon in coordination with Israel to eliminate Hezbollah. Al-Sharaa dismissed the story outright and contacted Lebanese officials directly to confirm as much. Syrian army commanders did the same, explaining that its deployments extended along both the Lebanese and Iraqi borders to secure the frontier and prevent infiltrations intended to drag Syria into war.

Then, overnight, the narrative flipped. Suddenly, it was Türkiye that was arming and funding Hezbollah in coordination with al-Sharaa, who was supposedly facilitating the transfer of money and weapons. Some of the same voices who promoted the first story later championed the second. It illustrates how al-Sharaa's opponents in Lebanon devote much of their energy to fabricating stories about Syria's internal affairs.Strikingly, those who present themselves as his supporters are engaged in the same practice, trying to insert him and Syria into purely Lebanese matters, most recently the general amnesty proposal debated in parliament. The greater danger may lie in what circulates behind closed doors. Names of people wanted in Lebanon, supposed appointments, and threats and insults are being fabricated in rooms whose occupants think they are beyond scrutiny.

Lessons not learned

The Lebanese paid dearly to free themselves from the tutelage and domination of the Assad regime. It cost come of the country's most prominent politicians and journalists their lives. It is astonishing how quickly that has been forgotten or overlooked. For decades, there was a Syrian military presence in Lebanon. Some seem to want to return to a relationship of subordination. Even stranger, some who opposed Bashar al-Assad now seem keen to emulate his regime.

President al-Sharaa continues to insist on a state-to-state relationship. During the recent visit of the official Lebanese delegation to Damascus, led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, he reiterated that communication should take place institutionally, between each minister and his counterpart. Yet some on both sides remain intent on resurrecting the past, as though nothing has been learned.

This is not freedom of opinion. These actors are not expressing views; they are manufacturing stories that, at best, undermine the future of relations between the two countries. The deeper risk lies beyond that: the security consequences that may follow, as certain factions convince themselves they can summon Syria into their internal battles and draw strength from it.

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