Shaibani in Beirut: political reassurance and deferred questions

This time, Syria's foreign minister met with Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a meeting he conspicuously did not have on his previous visit. This is a good thing.

Shaibani in Beirut: political reassurance and deferred questions

Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani’s visit to Lebanon has concluded, but its effects are likely to endure for some time. It was his second visit to Beirut, yet it differed from the first in both form and substance.

On his first visit, meetings were limited to President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. This time, his schedule included religious and political figures. The most notable meeting, however, was with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, whose absence from the first visit had raised many questions. At the time, Syrian sources merely stressed that they had no objection to meeting the Speaker of Parliament, and that the omission was nothing more than an organisational matter on the Lebanese side, which had drawn up the visit’s programme.

This time, the meeting took place. It was a closed bilateral encounter between Berri and al-Shaibani, and every leaked detail was positive. Al-Shaibani even invited Berri to visit Damascus, but given Berri’s health and security circumstances, such a visit may not happen soon. In return, Berri reiterated his constant commitment to Lebanon’s Arab depth and to the view that Syria constitutes Lebanon’s Arab gateway.

Al-Shaibani’s visit came, for the most part, to reaffirm what Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa has said repeatedly, especially in his most recent televised interview. He reassured all Lebanese that Syria does not intend to interfere in Lebanon and that relations would be based on respect for each state’s sovereignty, without interference in internal affairs. In other words, it would be a relationship between two states through official institutions.

Al-Sharaa, who spoke of the crimes committed by Hezbollah and Iranian militias in Syria, did not rule out the possibility of meeting the party if such a meeting served the Syrian and Lebanese national interest. Al-Shaibani repeated the same position. This was met with disapproval on the streets of Syria and among parts of the Lebanese public.

The relationship between Syria and Lebanon is not governed by geography alone, but also by a memory burdened and exhausted by mutual interventions.

Communication necessary

But did al-Sharaa not go to Moscow and meet its president, Vladimir Putin, more than once? Some argue that Russia is a member state of the Security Council, and that Syria's interests require restoring severed ties with it and reaching a sound relationship that serves Syria's interests first, despite Russia's role and its partnership in the war against Syrians alongside Assad's forces.

The same may apply to the relationship with Hezbollah. The shared border between Syria and Lebanon, which has still not been fully controlled, requires communication with the party that represents the main source of threat across that border, especially as the security situation in Syria still suffers from occasional breakdowns, the latest being the terrorist bombing in Damascus that coincided with al-Shaibani's visit to Beirut.

Security coordination between the two countries remains below the required level, although neither side has announced this. Despite repeated meetings between ministers and officials from both countries, no senior security meeting has yet taken place. The ministers of defence and interior were absent from Prime Minister Salam's recent visit to Damascus, and the same applied to al-Shaibani's visit to Beirut.

The interior and defence ministers, as well as the army commands in both countries, have yet to meet. Coordination still takes place through executive officials on the ground. This is a matter that must be examined carefully, despite the positive tone everyone is trying to project in the relationship.

Lebanon wants Syria to propose a practical project that embodies al-Sharaa's economic vision, in a way that benefits Lebanon as much as it does Syria. This includes energy projects, ports, and economic openness. But can this be achieved without controlling the border and closing smuggling routes? For months, everyone has been waiting for the scanner to be moved from the port to the Masnaa Border crossing, but it has still not been transferred. This is obstructing the movement of goods and exports from Lebanon, especially as Captagon shipments continue to be seized on their way to Syria and Arab states.

A joint Syrian Lebanese committee was established to serve as the highest institutional framework for consultation and coordination between the two countries.

Committee established

During al-Shaibani's visit, a joint Syrian Lebanese committee was established to serve as the highest institutional framework for consultation and coordination between the two countries. Here, a question must be asked, one that Lebanese are raising openly and in private: why this committee? Will it replace the notorious Higher Council? Would it not be better for relations to be conducted through the embassies and relevant ministries?

The relationship between Syria and Lebanon is not governed by geography alone, but also by a memory burdened and exhausted by mutual interventions. Dealing with Lebanon must therefore be marked by considerable caution. Syrians must listen to the voices of Lebanese who paid a heavy price to rid their country of the Assad regime, not only to what some Lebanese say in front of them.

In addition to al-Shaibani's meetings with the three top officials and the Mufti of the Republic, his meetings with Maronite Patriarch Bechara Boutros al Rahi, Kataeb Party leader Samy Gemayel and Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea were a positive step towards reassuring Christians in Lebanon, even though some objected to these meetings for fear of a return to the past.

Yet the visit also lacked a trip to the grave of President Rafik Hariri, whose assassination at the hands of the Assad regime and Hezbollah marked a turning point in the history of the region. It led to the withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon and the end of the era of tutelage.

The visit to Tripoli is another matter.

In the end, I believe it is necessary to note that this visit took place 20 years after the issuance of the Damascus-Beirut Declaration. A salute, then, to all those who paid with their lives to see relations between the two countries as they should be between two neighbouring states. The hope now is that all remnants of the past will come to an end, and that the two countries and two peoples will be able to turn the page, looking to the future rather than remaining prisoners of the past.

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