'Send them back!': why Europe’s populists are repackaging old ideas

A loss of trust in the traditional ruling parties, a backlash against multiculturalism and economic stagnation have seen far more Europeans willing to listen to right-wing solutions to their problems

Gregori Saavedra

'Send them back!': why Europe’s populists are repackaging old ideas

Nigel Farage, the leader of the UK’s populist Reform UK party, announced in late August that, should he win the next UK election, he would deport up to 600,000 illegal immigrants and asylum seekers within five years.

The policy clearly echoes Donald Trump’s own election pledge, now seemingly being fulfilled, to conduct the ‘largest deportation operation in American history’. It similarly sounds close to Alternative für Deutschland (AFD)’s promise of “repatriations on a large scale” of non-German migrants made in 2025’s federal elections.

Deportation as a policy, it seems, has become mainstream in Western politics. Yet this is far from a new idea, and far-right European groups have been calling to ‘send back’ foreign migrants for decades. Today’s populist parties have recycled and repackaged the idea that deporting ‘outsiders’ will help solve domestic problems and, much to the shock of liberals, found many willing to listen.

Farage and his Reform UK Party are riding high in the polls. The latest Sky/YouGov poll suggests 28% of the electorate would vote for them if there were an election tomorrow, compared to 20% for the ruling Labour Party and just 17% for Britain’s traditional right-wing party, the Conservatives.

This does not mean, of course, that Farage is going to win power—Britain’s electoral system makes it hard for new parties to do well—but it is no longer a complete unlikelihood. The same goes for AFD, which has come from obscurity over the course of a decade to finish second in February’s election, winning 20.8% of the vote. It is therefore plausible that Trump-style mass deportations could soon be a feature of European politics.

Gregori Saavedra

Far right precedents

How did we get here? Deporting failed asylum seekers and foreign criminals is nothing new. The UK, for example, has long forced those with no legal right to remain to leave, with annual ‘enforced returns’ numbering between roughly 2,500 and 15,000 between 2010 and 2025.

However, this is a fraction of the hundreds of thousands being talked about by Farage, AFD and others. Though both would likely deny it, the scale of Reform and AFD’s plans is far closer to those put forward by far-right groups during the 1970s and 80s than a continuation of the longstanding practice of deporting a relatively small number of illegal immigrants.

In its 1974 election manifesto, the British neo-Nazi National Front (NF) group called for the compulsory deportation of all non-white immigrants and their descendants, a process they argued would take 10 years. But these ideas were firmly rejected, with the NF never scoring more than 0.6% of the vote in any general election. The idea of mass deportation was promoted again by an NF offshoot, the British National Party (BNP), in the 1990s, calling for the compulsory “repatriation” of non-white Britons.

As times changed, the BNP softened and shifted focus somewhat, arguing only for the ‘voluntary repatriation’ of nonwhite citizens, but that all illegal immigrants should be deported. Though this softer approach proved more popular than the NF, the BNP still only gained at most 1.9% of the vote in the 2010 general election, though it scored more victories in the less well-attended European elections.

Farage is riding high with polls predicting he could get 28% of the vote if an election were held today, compared to 20% for the ruling Labour Party

The BNP was soon eclipsed, however, by Farage's UK Independence Party (UKIP), a populist party that appeared to attract the more moderate among BNP voters, while also drawing considerable support away from the Conservatives and Labour. Unlike the NF and BNP, UKIP disavowed racism and took aim instead at immigration in general and the EU in particular.

The same was true of Reform UK (originally called the Brexit Party), which Farage formed after leaving UKIP—a party that withered away without its high-profile leader. Indeed, Reform is keen to emphasise its diversity by giving prominence to Zia Yusuf, a British Muslim and former party chairman who stood alongside Farage to announce the new deportation plans. 

Unlike the far right, deportation was never a prominent Farage policy. The focus was always on reducing immigration and keeping immigrants out rather than rounding up and deporting illegals. Until now.

The Trump effect

So why are Reform and others reaching back into the far right toolkit for deportation as a policy, even if the targets are less explicitly racially motivated than the NF and BNP? And why are these ideas that were once rejected by electorates now gaining traction?

Gregori Saavedra

One significant factor, in the UK at least, is the dramatic increase in illegal migrants arriving. Where once this was a trickle of a few hundred, since 2021, at least 28,000 people a year have crossed by small boats, with a high of 45,000 coming in 2022. Ironically, this was primarily a consequence of the UK leaving the EU, which Farage vociferously advocated. London lost membership of the Dublin arrangement that allowed EU members to return illegal migrants to the EU country where they first arrived.

Another significant factor has been the rise of populism across Europe and an increased appetite for right-wing policies among growing parts of the electorate. A loss of trust in the traditional ruling parties, a backlash against multiculturalism and economic stagnation have seen far more Europeans willing to listen to right-wing solutions to their problems, including, it seems, increased deportations.

But arguably the greatest trigger, at least for Farage's new policy, is most likely Donald Trump. After all, Populist parties are not new and have been mainstays of European politics since the early 2010s. All have long opposed immigration, but the talk of deportations and repatriation has only picked up steam in the past year.

It is no coincidence that this has come amid Donald Trump's promise to round up and deport the over 10 million unauthorised migrants living in the US. According to NBC, from February to June, Trump's Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has deported approximately 70,000 illegal migrants, with the number rising. Trump's actions are normalising deportation as a policy, giving European populists, many of whom openly admire the American President, the cover to adopt the same approach.   

Trump-style mass deportations could soon be a feature of European politics if polling predicting populist wins in elections proves accurate

Going mainstream

While liberals continue to oppose mass deportation, arguing Farage and AFD are wrongly scapegoating migrants for society's ills, the idea is gaining traction even beyond the populist parties. In the UK, the beleaguered Conservative Party, which has become tougher and tougher on immigration, accused Farage of "copying our homework" after his announcement.

Meanwhile, a former Labour home secretary, Jack Straw, urged the UK to 'decouple' from the European Convention on Human Rights—something Farage wants to leave—to allow London to deport more. Even Prime Minister Keir Starmer was notably mute on the issue, while his government have been keen to play up the number of illegal migrants it has deported since coming to office.

Meanwhile, 'remigration' is increasingly promoted by populists across Europe, whether in Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Spain or Portugal—although France's Populist Marine Le Pen has explicitly rejected the idea. With Trump setting the example, mass deportations could soon be happening in Europe, too.

font change