If Qatar taps out, Egypt can pick up the Gaza mediation baton

Doha says it will keep up its efforts to secure a ceasefire in Gaza, despite Israel's targeting of Hamas leaders on its soil, but some are doubtful. But is peace even possible at this point?

Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa (L), accompanied by Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (C), arrives at an airport in El-Arish on August 18, 2025, to visit Palestinians wounded in Israel's war on Gaza.
Khaled DESOUKI / AFP
Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa (L), accompanied by Egypt's Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (C), arrives at an airport in El-Arish on August 18, 2025, to visit Palestinians wounded in Israel's war on Gaza.

If Qatar taps out, Egypt can pick up the Gaza mediation baton

The reverberations of Israel’s airstrikes against Hamas negotiators in Qatar on 9 September are still being felt, as diplomats, policymakers, and analysts try to comprehend the consequences which could very well upend the Gaza ceasefire talks altogether.

Hamas said its negotiators—including the exiled Gaza leader, Khalil al-Hayya—all survived, but that five members of the delegation were killed, including al-Hayya’s son and chief-of-staff, along with one Qatari security agent. And while effectively unsuccessful, the strike has dealt a painful sting to Qatari mediation efforts.

Israel claimed that the strike was justified as part of its general strategy of weakening Hamas’s political leadership, but most analysts view it as complicating the process of reaching a ceasefire in Gaza. Furthermore, it adds fuel to speculation that Israel is not interested—and perhaps was never interested—in ending its war on Gaza.

Time to tap out?

For his part, Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman, who also acts as the foreign minister, has said his country would maintain its mediation efforts, but some doubt if Doha will still be fully involved after this. If it disengages, focus will turn to Cairo to fill the gap.

Having helped end other Israeli campaigns in Gaza over recent years, Egypt has been co-mediating the current ceasefire/hostage release talks with Qatar and the US since the beginning of the war in October 2023. It has put ceasefire proposals on the table, advocated for Palestinians to remain in Gaza, formulated a reconstruction plan, and rallied international support.

AFP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stands before a map of the Gaza Strip, telling viewers that Israel must retain control over the "Philadelphi corridor," a strategic area along Gaza's border with Egypt, on September 2, 2024.

With a 12km border, Egypt has been Gaza's only land-based gateway to the outside world after Israel imposed an all-out siege on the territory since Hamas took over administration of the Strip in 2007. And until Israel took over the Philadelphi Corridor, Egypt was the main entry point and exit point into Gaza for humanitarian aid, and for the injured to leave to seek medical treatment.

Although Egypt has had its differences with Israel of late, so too has it been at loggerheads with Hamas, not least because Egypt's rulers overthrew a Muslim Brotherhood government in 2013 and have since clamped down on the century-old home-grown Islamist organisation, of which Hamas is an ideological offshoot.

In Cairo, Hamas is seen as a divisive actor and an obstacle to uniting the Palestinians, which is a prerequisite for establishing a state. As a result, Egypt submitted a plan for Gaza's post-war administration in which Hamas plays no role.

But the Islamist group has proved resilient, not least after the loss of its leaders (and if reports are to be believed, the negotiators survived the Doha bombing). This may harden the group's stance and add further to its demands, such as future protection for its leadership. Beyond that, Hamas wants a complete ceasefire, a full Israeli withdrawal, and an agreement that it can remain armed in return for releasing hostages.

Read more: Demands for Hamas to disarm have been rebuffed. What next?

It is not in a strong negotiating position, however, and that may soon worsen. Qatar has been home to the group's political leadership since 2012 and has been the territory's principal source of cash for reconstruction work following previous Israeli assaults, so if Doha were to walk away, that would be a disaster. This may focus minds in the Hamas camp and force the group to deal more seriously with Egypt.

Hamas negotiators in Doha had approved a proposal by Trump for ending the war in return for the release of all the hostages, just before Israel targeted them

The success or otherwise of Egypt and others in mediating an end to the war in Gaza depends on whether Israel wants a negotiated end to the war. The strikes in Qatar would suggest not. Increasingly, analysts are noting the timing of the Israeli military at important moments in negotiations, with regard to Gaza, Lebanon, or Iran's nuclear programme.

Whenever there is a chance of a breakthrough in Gaza ceasefire talks, Israel torpedoes hopes. This is the emerging pattern. This is the emerging pattern. In Qatar, Hamas negotiators had approved a proposal by Trump for ending the war in return for the release of all the hostages, just before Israel targeted them.

If mediation transferred to Cairo from Doha, would Israel bomb Egypt, too? Even if it did not, Israeli escalation is a worry, given Cairo's concerns about regional stability and Gaza's humanitarian crisis. To prevent this, the Egyptians would like Washington to urge Israel to negotiate in good faith, but Trump appears reluctant to criticise the government of Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (even though he expressed some grumbles about the attack on Qatar, a key US ally).

Whenever there is a chance of a breakthrough in Gaza ceasefire talks, Israel torpedoes hopes. This is the emerging pattern.

Mission impossible?

If this bombing hardens the stance of Hamas and shows that Israel prefers airstrikes over negotiations, then mediation may appear to be 'mission impossible'. Despite Israel's destructive and murderous bombing campaign and forced starvation of Palestinians in Gaza, Hamas's position hasn't shifted much in recent months.

The war in Gaza is strongly tied to the political survival calculations of both Hamas and the Netanyahu government, in which some ministers have threatened to walk out if the prime minister agrees to a ceasefire. In this context, Egypt faces an uphill struggle to convince both sides that concessions should be made. Neither the bombers nor the bombed are likely to be flexible.

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