How Israel upended Ali Khamenei’s strategic patience doctrinehttps://en.majalla.com/node/326120/profiles/how-israel-upended-ali-khamenei%E2%80%99s-strategic-patience-doctrine
How Israel upended Ali Khamenei’s strategic patience doctrine
For decades, Iran’s supreme leader—first Khomeini, then Khamenei—pursued a strategy of backing regional militias to fight Israel, but with the 'resistance axis' in tatters, Iran is left to fight alone
KHAMENEI.IR / AFP
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei addresses Iranians on the occasion of the 36th anniversary of the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (portrait), in Tehran on June 4, 2025.
How Israel upended Ali Khamenei’s strategic patience doctrine
Israel’s attacks on Iran on 13 June led to a dramatic war that has been ongoing for a week with no clear end in sight. The war was presaged by last year’s exchange of fire between Israel and Iran, which happened in two rounds.
On 13 April, Iran launched a barrage of drones and missiles at Israel, dubbed Operation True Promise, in response to Israel’s 1 April attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus. And on 1 October, Iran launched its second True Promise attack, which came two months after Israel assassinated Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh on Iranian soil on 31 July.
By directly attacking Israel, Iran broke with its long-standing ‘strategic patience’ doctrine, which had allowed it to fight Israel via proxy forces without getting into a direct confrontation with it. Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was a key proponent of this doctrine, which allowed Iran to bide its time, develop an indigenous military industry despite crippling Western-imposed sanctions on it, support an umbrella of Islamist militias in the region and beyond and prepare for the day when it could finally confront Israel in a decisive battle and achieve the revolutionary goals of the Islamic Republic and the ideals of its founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
But just what are those goals and ideals? For those who followed the region's politics in the mid-2010s, this question was often answered with one word: sectarianism. The supposedly eternal enmities between Sunni and Shiite branches of Islam gave an easy but lazy framework for outside analysts and a self-affirming lens for sectarians to explain every conflict in the region.
Although lazy, there was something to this analysis. Iran did manage to mobilise tens of thousands of Shiite fighters—from Afghans and Pakistanis to Iraqis, Syrians and even Nigerians—and organise them into a powerful multinational army that protected the nominally Shiite president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, during its civil war.
As a Khomeinist, Khamenei's politics was one of internationalist Islamism with ambitions to reconfigure the global order
Grand ambitions
But this framework was rather superficial. Anyone who looked deeper into the history and ideology of Khomeini and Khamenei could see that their ambitions went well beyond leading a sectarian camp in the Muslim world. As a Grand Ayatollah, Khomeini was, of course, committed to the fundamentals of the Shiite branch of Islam, but his politics was one of internationalist Islamism with ambitions to reconfigure the global order.
Having been a Khomeinist revolutionary all his adult life, Khamenei has long been committed to this vision. It might seem out of place in today's world, but Khomeinist politics was forged in the heated years of the 1960s and 1970s, when various revolutionary movements championed radical visions. Therefore, Khomeini's Islamist version of global revolution was not entirely out of place.
However, had Khomeini or Khamenei outwardly pursued this vision from the outset, they wouldn't have lasted long as heads of state of a country with tens of millions of people—one with a strongly patriotic population. Shortly after 1979, it became clear that they had to take their time if they wanted to survive. This is when the concept of strategic patience began to take form.
Khomeini decided early on that maintaining the Islamic Republic's power took precedence over all other religious obligations. Even ordinary Islamic rules could be broken to safeguard the republic. To this end, the regime has no problem lying, killing, and torturing its opponents, even though these practices contradict Islamic teachings.
People in Tehran burn an Israeli flag during a rally marking Quds Day and the funeral of Iranian commanders killed in an airstrike on the Iranian embassy complex in Damascus.
The destruction of Israel
One goal that has always been central to this vision is the destruction of Israel. This was also a goal with which a Shiite Iran could prove its revolutionary mettle against its Sunni-majority neighbours. The Islamic Republic was born at an opportune moment for such a goal: in 1979, shortly after Egypt, the Arab world's leading country, dramatically shifted its regional orientation by signing the Camp David Accords with Israel and the United States.
When Egypt was subsequently expelled from the Arab League, Iran saw an opportunity to seize the mantle of anti-Zionism. Things got muddied during the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein's Iraq fought an eight-year war with Iran in which the US and Israel funded both sides to drag the war out and weaken both countries—a strategy called dual containment.
Then, in 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon just when its southern Shiite population was being trained by Iran's IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps). This is when Hezbollah was born, which ended up becoming Israel's main bugbear on its northern borders. The Lebanese Shiite militia initially sought to import Iran's system of Wilayah al-Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) to Lebanon; however, this plan was unsuccessful due to Lebanon's diverse demography, which comprises many different religions and sects.
Instead, it shaped its identity around anti-Zionism and opposition to Israel, something that other members of the IRGC-led Axis of Resistance also did. Yes, many of these forces were Shiite and during the sectarianisation of the 2010s, they acted gruesomely against Sunnis in places like Iraq and Syria. But their broader agenda remained centred around opposition to Israel. Put differently, all that has now remained of the Khomeinist global revolution is a mix of occasional opportunist sectarianism and persistent anti-Zionism.
Khamenei thus bid his time as he built up the forces of the axis. Before the current war, he always knew that, at 86, he couldn't expect to see the supposedly final victory over Israel in his lifetime. He has predicted that Israel would be destroyed by 2040, so unless he lives to be 110 years old, he conveniently won't be alive to see if his vision comes to fruition.
A drone photo shows the damage over residential homes at the impact site following a missile attack from Iran on Israel, in Tel Aviv, Israel, June 16, 2025.
'Reaping what we sowed'
But a Khomeinist revolution wouldn't be complete just by destroying Israel. The next step would be to upturn the political order in other regional countries as well—hence Iran's support for militias across the region.
Such an ambitious vision not only requires the destruction of Israel but also drives Khamenei to ensure he stays in power for as long as possible. Thus, Khamenei attacked Israel to ensure that the mantle of its destruction is still in his hands, but also exercised strategic restraint up until Israel's 13 June 2025 full-fledged attack on the Islamic Republic.
The current Iran-Israel war upends Khamenei's decades-long strategy of fighting Israel through militias without getting Iran into a direct war. Today, his 'resistance axis' lies in tatters not just because Israel battered it but because its only state ally—Bashar al-Assad's Syria—was toppled in December 2024.
Already, hundreds of Iranians—mostly civilians—have been killed in the war, and key Iranian infrastructure has been demolished. With her typical frankness, former MP Faeze Hashemi best encapsulated Iran's predicament. While condemning the Israeli attacks, she said Iran was "reaping what we had sown" and asked officials to find pathways for peace.
But such pathways can only come when Iran finally jettisons its strategy of sowing chaos in the region in its bid to dominate it. More Iranians need to step up and push their country in a different direction.
*** This is an updated version of an article first published in May 2024 ***