What next after historic PKK decision to disband?

Türkiye hailed the move to dissolve what it deems a terrorist group that claimed over 40,000 lives, but vows the fight would continue should the process collapse

PKK guerrillas scan for firing positions as they conduct military exercises in the mountains of northern Iraq's Kurdish autonomous region, 18 November 2006.
DAVID FURST / AFP
PKK guerrillas scan for firing positions as they conduct military exercises in the mountains of northern Iraq's Kurdish autonomous region, 18 November 2006.

What next after historic PKK decision to disband?

The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) militant group, which has been locked in bloody conflict with Türkiye for more than four decades, made a groundbreaking and historic announcement on Monday, declaring it would disband and end its armed struggle.

In a recently released closing declaration of a congress that the PKK held last week in northern Iraq, where it is based, a statement read: "The PKK has completed its historic mission and has decided to dissolve its organisational structure, with the practical process to be managed and carried out by Leader Apo (a reference to PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan).

"The PKK struggle has broken the policy of denial and annihilation of our people and brought the Kurdish issue to a point of solving it through democratic politics," the statement added.

In February, the PKK leader, who has been in a Turkish prison for more than two decades, called for a conference to be held, with the disbandment of the group to be deliberated.

On 8 May, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) released a brief statement. Between 5 and 7 May, the group held its 12th Congress and teased a "big" announcement.

The move to disband is set to have far-reaching political and security consequences for the region, including in neighbouring Iraq and also in Syria, where US-allied Kurdish forces operate. But as important as the declaration may be, it is not a definitive breakthrough. According to sources familiar with negotiations between the PKK and the government of Türkiye, several unresolved issues remain. These sources describe the declaration as an interim step designed to ease public pressure, deflect criticism, and convey the message that progress is being made, albeit slowly.

Apparently, whatever the problems were, they have been solved, and the PKK has finally come up with the long-awaited declaration. Now, what needs to be seen is the implementation and whether the declaration will have the hoped-for implications on Türkiye.

Reuters
A protester holds a picture of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan during a rally in Diyarbakir, Türkiye, February 27, 2025.

Designated terror group

Founded 52 years ago by Öcalan, the PKK has waged an armed campaign that has claimed over 40,000 lives. It is designated a terrorist organisation by Türkiye, the US, and the EU, and Öcalan has been imprisoned in isolation on Imrali Island, located in the Sea of Marmara, since 1999.

The so-called ‘Terror-Free Türkiye’ peace process entered the sunlight on 22 October Last year, when Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), called on Öcalan to declare an end to the PKK and its activities. The government has maintained tight control over the process, revealing information to the public selectively and cautiously—the expectation being that the PKK will dissolve itself through an internal decision at a formal congress.

The congress took place in Sulaymaniyah, northern Iraq, with Öcalan and other senior PKK commanders attending via video link. In parallel, representatives of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party)— the third largest political party in Türkiye’s parliament—and government officials have been in discreet talks for weeks.

Both sides do not like to refer to these talks as negotiations, but that is what they are. As part of the process, a DEM Party delegation visited Öcalan in prison, consulted with PKK commanders in northern Iraq, and held discussions with Kurdish political factions. The latter included the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Iraq and the People’s Defence Units (YPG) in Syria.

There are still many questions surrounding the declaration. How and where the PKK will lay down its arms remains unclear. How would such a move be verified? Would there be a general amnesty? And what would happen to militants wanted for acts of terrorism and manslaughter?

AFP
A handout photo made available by ANF News shows the Head of the Kurdistan Workers' Party announcing the dissolution of the PKK party during the 12th Party Congress held at an undisclosed location in northern Iraq on May 12, 2025.

List of demands

On the political front, it is assumed that the PKK has submitted a list of demands and that the Turkish government has made promises in return. No details, however, have yet been released. The government, meanwhile, insists it has made no concessions— a claim that strains credulity. Pervin Buldan, a senior member of the DEM Party delegation, said it is now the turn of Türkiye to take steps on democratisation. The DEM Party Central Executive Board is expected to convene early next week to announce a concrete roadmap and list of proposals.

The PKK declaration stipulates that implementing these decisions requires Öcalan to lead and direct the process, the recognition of the right to democratic politics and solid legal guarantees. These are very sensitive issues, and also sound like conditions for peace.

The PKK has demanded Öcalan be set free, and many observers believe he will be granted amnesty. However, he is said to have told Turkish authorities he doesn't want to leave the island, basically for fear of assassination and provocation, requesting instead improved living conditions and protection.

Despite years of hostility towards the PKK, Turkish public opinion has not erupted in fury at these developments. The government's propaganda machinery has been effective in controlling the narrative, while the ruling AKP, which has long accused the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) of cooperating with the PKK via the DEM Party, now finds itself engaged in negotiations with the same actors. Potential opposition from Turkish nationalists is being prevented – if not outright suppressed.

Ümit Özdağ, leader of the Zafer Party and a vocal critic of the AKP-MHP alliance, was arrested and imprisoned in January. He was accused of inciting hatred against Syrian refugees and insulting President Erdoğan. However, many are convinced his arrest stems from his potential to mobilise opposition to Öcalan's release and destabilise the peace process.

After the PKK dissolves and disarms, a new phase will then begin, including the drafting of a new constitution

At his court hearing, Özdağ described himself as a "political hostage" who had been imprisoned to facilitate Öcalan's freedom. Internationally, the process has been met with cautious approval. Although the EU and the US continue to list the PKK as a terrorist organisation, they also argue that its existence reflects the longstanding denial of freedoms to Türkiye's Kurdish population—a view that has long been a source of friction with Ankara.

Turkish officials, including President Erdoğan, have often accused the EU of turning a blind eye to the PKK's activities in Europe and, therefore, of supporting terrorism.

'A significant opportunity'

Nevertheless, European leaders have voiced support for the process taking place in Türkiye. The Council of Europe's latest report on Türkiye, released just a few days ago, criticised Ankara on many fronts, but describes the peace negotiations as a significant opportunity "aimed at the peaceful and sustainable resolution of the Kurdish issue in its political, social, democratic and security-related aspects".

Domestically, the CHP—despite being engaged in a battle against the government, organising rallies and protests, following the imprisonment of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu —has not opposed the process. Speaking at a rally in Van, CHP leader Özgür Özel expressed hope that the PKK would soon disarm, while also condemning the AKP's dismissal of elected DEM Party mayors in eastern Anatolia and the appointment of state-appointed trustees.

 MUSTAFA OZER / AFP
Kurdistan PKK fighters jog with their rifle during a training session early in the morning, 20 June 2007, in Amedi in Northern Iraq, 10 km from the Turkish border.

Now that the PKK has said it will disband and disarm, a new phase in the process will begin, including the drafting of a new constitution. Mehmet Uçum, an advisor to President Erdoğan, has signalled this by stating that the basic phase has been completed and that comprehensive reforms in democracy and law will now be undertaken. Whether this process will benefit or harm the government remains to be seen, but opinion polls indicate that it would be almost impossible for President Erdoğan to be re-elected if elections were held today.

The majority of Turks have been badly affected by the dire economic situation and the increasing slide towards authoritarianism. The disbandment of the PKK and the end of the scourge of terrorism in Türkiye could pave the way for Erdoğan to regain his popularity. But if economic and political problems persist, despite an end to terrorism, he may find himself more vulnerable than ever.

Syrian dimension

There is also a critical Syrian dimension to the equation. One of the most important challenges facing Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria's interim president, is how to deal with the country's Kurds and the YPG. The YPG, which shares deep links with the PKK and includes many PKK cadres, has made several demands, including a decentralised administrative system—an idea strongly opposed by Damascus. Developments in Türkiye are likely to reverberate across Syria and vice versa. 

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