The political crisis that Türkiye has been facing goes well beyond the arrest of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s main political rival, Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu. The issue now is Türkiye’s political future.
Detained on 19 March, İmamoğlu was charged with corruption on 23 March—just as he was to be nominated as his party’s presidential candidate for the next election in 2028. He was arrested along with the mayor of Istanbul’s Beylikdüzü district—a member of the same party—and 43 others. The court also ordered the detention of three others, among them the mayor of Istanbul’s Şişli district, in a separate investigation.
İmamoğlu is currently in Silivri Prison, 70km from İstanbul. Other charges related to terrorist assistance were dropped, to the chagrin of the chief public prosecutor, who has appealed. The Istanbul Prosecutor’s Office described İmamoğlu as “the leader of a crime group”.
Army chiefs, politicians, journalists, and 2013 Gezi protest organisers have all served time in Silivri on charges such as seeking to overthrow the government and sponsoring terrorism. Some remain there.
Among the prison’s most well-known residents are Osman Kavala, a businessman accused of being the main organiser of the Gezi Park protests; Selahattin Demirtaş, former co-chair of HDP, the predecessor of the pro-Kurdish DEM party; and Ümit Özdağ, head of the nationalist Zafer Party.
Since İmamoğlu was detained, hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters (from his CHP party and others) have been protesting, including at Saraçhane Square in Istanbul, to protest against the government and the courts and to show solidarity.
Students take the lead
University students are leading the demonstrations organised in almost every city in Türkiye. A generation known for its relaxed lifestyle has shown itself to be determined and resilient, as police fired tear gas and water cannon at the protesters, making dozens of arrests in Izmir, Ankara, and Istanbul.
There were minor injuries but no reports of serious injuries and loss of life. Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya stated that over several days, 123 police officers had been injured and 1,418 people detained, among them journalists.
The court will now issue the indictment, and Imamoğlu and the other detainees will appear in the dock, but there is no set time frame for this. The judiciary in Türkiye is not known for its speed. Detainees can remain in prison for months or even years before a verdict is reached. Ümit Özdağ is still awaiting the indictment two months later.
The replacements of İmamoğlu and the Mayor of Beylikdüzü district will be elected this week from the municipal councils. Since the CHP has the majority there, the mayor will continue to be someone from the party.
It is a different case for the mayor of Şişli because he has been accused of crimes related to terrorism, and he has been replaced by a trustee (a government civil servant). Many believe that, had it not been for the protests, trustees could have replaced all of them. The opposition has called these developments yet another clear case of judicial discrimination in favour of supporters of the ruling AKP.
They point out the swiftness with which the judiciary takes swift action against municipalities and individuals from the opposition (often based on secret witness testimony) but does nothing about the widespread allegations against AKP officials, both past and present.
President Erdoğan’s supporters accuse the CHP of trying to stir up trouble for the leader who has been in power for 22 years—calling the millions of protesters “vandals”. The opposition accused him of seeking to capitalise on the tension.