Will Eurasian Economic Union growth continue into 2025?

The Russia-dominated union has demonstrated impressive growth functioning as an economic bloc but politically not all members see eye to eye

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev  at the Eurasian Economic Union summit in Moscow on May 8, 2024.
Evgenia Novozhenina / AFP
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev at the Eurasian Economic Union summit in Moscow on May 8, 2024.

Will Eurasian Economic Union growth continue into 2025?

It has been ten years since Vladimir Putin’s Customs Union transformed into a new entity called the Eurasian Economic Union, encompassing Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia. Earlier in 2024, the Russian president was full of praise for what the union had achieved over the past decade.

“The economic indicators speak for themselves – over ten years, the total GDP of the Eurasian Union states has increased from $1.6tn to $2.5tn, according to available estimates. Trade turnover with third countries increased by 60% from $579bn to $923bn, and the volume of mutual trade almost doubled from $45bn to $89bn,” he said during a summit in Moscow.

So, has it been a great year in this economic bloc? Let us look a bit closer at the state of the Eurasian Economic Union over the past year and what 2025 potentially holds.

A booming economy?

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) was once touted as an alternative to the European Union, but they are conceptually very different entities. The EAEU does not have the same political agenda as the EU, at least not yet. Economically, the ratio of the member states’ economies is far from comparable. The EAEU is dominated by Russia, which has an economy nearly ten times the size of the next member state, Kazakhstan, in terms of nominal GDP.

This is perhaps a slight caveat to consider when looking at how strongly the EAEU entered 2024 – the aggregate growth of GDP across the member states was 3.7%, which Armenia led with 8.7% and Kyrgyzstan with 6.2%. But, given the mathematics of averages and the dominance of one country, the figure that was closest to this aggregate was, in fact, Russia’s own GDP growth rate for the year, 3.6%.

AFP / Dmitry Astakhov
Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin (L) and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan attend a meeting of the Eurasian Economic Union's (EAEU) intergovernmental council in Yerevan, on October 9, 2020.

“We are witnessing a boom in investment activity. In fact, investment growth rates are three times higher than the global average,” Sergei Glazyev, Minister for Integration and Macroeconomics of the Eurasian Economic Commission had proudly said at a meeting of the union in February.

This aggregate is expected to be at similar levels for 2025 as well. The Russian Statistics Service recently estimated that the country’s economy would grow by 3.9% this year, and even the International Monetary Fund’s estimate is quite optimistic at 3.6%. IMF estimates for GDP growth in the other EAEU countries are 6.5% for Kyrgyzstan, 6.0% for Armenia, 3.6% for Belarus, and 3.5% for Kazakhstan.

The year also started on a strong foundation for the EAEU following the agreement in December 2023 with Iran, establishing a free-trade zone. An interim free trade agreement had already been in place since 2019, which had led to impressive growth in mutual trade turnover, from $2.4bn in 2019 to $6.2bn in 2022.

The agreement signed a year ago has not fully borne fruit yet, with the Iranian side seeking the establishment of an insurance company under the EAEU’s auspices to provide necessary guarantees for its exports to the region. The agreement has already been ratified by several EAEU members and is expected to be finalised in January 2025.

Meanwhile, several figures from EAEU countries hinted strongly in 2024 that India would be the next country to sign a free trade agreement with their union. Belarus state media reported that their foreign minister, Sergei Aleinik, had discussed this during a visit to New Delhi, “My counterpart confirmed that India is seriously considering starting negotiations on a free trade agreement. Of course, we agreed to maintain contact on this issue.”

Indian media followed up a few months later with confirmation that such an agreement was in the works and could have strategic links to India’s management of the Chabahar Port in Iran.

Read more: India opens the door to Central Asia with ten-year Iran port deal

In 2025, EAEU countries will focus on tourism development as a strategic new direction for economic growth

During 2022-23, India's bilateral trade with EAEU countries included around $134mn with Armenia, $111mn with Belarus, $641mn with Kazakhstan, and $56mn with Kyrgyzstan. However, these numbers are eclipsed by the volume of trade between India and Russia, which stood at around $65bn in 2023.

So, the outlook during 2024 seems quite optimistic for the EAEU, pushed mainly by strong impulses from Russia.

Tensions beneath the surface

But things are not as rosy when considering the geopolitical factors that come into play in the Eurasian Economic Union. Even in the early days of its establishment, some member states like Kazakhstan had ruled out any political integration, stating that the union should focus purely on economic cooperation. The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022 has put the EAEU under some strain, with member countries manoeuvring to avoid complete subjugation to Russia while seeking not to jeopardise their trade relations with their "big brother seriously".

The EAEU has also been a convenient solution for Russia in terms of avoiding sanctions. This has included a de-dollarisation agenda, with the share of settlements among EAEU countries taking place in national currencies going up to 90% in 2023 compared to 74% in 2021. However, other EAEU member countries had to walk a tight rope in this period to avoid being implicated in sanctions evasion. As a consequence, Russia's MIR credit card system went offline in 2024 in Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, and most banks of Kazakhstan.

Other political considerations have further eroded trust in Russia among some EAEU nations. Armenia held the rotating presidency in 2024 but refused to hold the EAEU Summit on its territory on two occasions, with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan recently explaining that he did not wish to have the 25 December, 2024 summit in Yerevan because "not all members of the EEU Supreme Economic Council are desirable for Armenia."

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Vladimir Putin's arrest warrant is seen in a press release from the International Criminal Court in The Hague on 19 March 2023 in Brussels, Belgium.

He did not clarify whether this meant Russian President Putin, who could theoretically be arrested in Armenia after the latter vetted the Statute of Rome. It is more likely that it was a reference to the Belarus President Aleksandr Lukashenko, who had recently made anti-Armenian statements during a visit to Baku.

In another blow to the union, Uzbekistan officially stated in October this year that it would not join as a member. Akmal Saidov, first deputy speaker of the legislative chamber of the Uzbek parliament, said that he saw "no benefits for Uzbekistan" in the Eurasian Economic Union.

Kazakhstan, meanwhile, had also experienced moments of tension with other EAEU members in 2024. Belarus President Lukashenko had criticised Kazakhstan's declaration of support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine, which prompted the foreign ministry in Astana to summon the Belarus Ambassador and direct a note of complaint. There had even been a small movement in Kazakhstan urging the government to leave the EAEU, with an online petition that had collected 65,000 signatures.

What is expected in 2025?

In practical terms, the first clear action that EAEU countries are taking for 2025 seems to be a focus on tourism development as a strategic new direction for economic growth. Last month, the Eurasian Economic Commission launched the Eurasian tourism route maps, covering 419 attractions, 38 routes, and various options for transportation. The objective is to facilitate travel across member states and strengthen infrastructure. However, considering that Armenia does not share a border with any of the other EAEU member states, the uniform efficacy of this approach remains to be seen.

The biggest change for the EAEU in 2025 is expected to come from far away – the White House, to be more precise. With Donald Trump's presidency commencing in January, there are some expectations that Russia will be offered a deal to end the Ukraine War, which could potentially involve the lifting of some sanctions. This could have both a positive effect and a negative one, with the latter involving shifts in Russia's trade to and from other markets rather than the EAEU and its sanction avoidance schemes.

Reuters
US President-elect Donald Trump waves his hand during his meeting with Republican representatives in the Capitol building, in Washington, DC, November 13, 2024.

Another direct impact of the Trump presidency will be the whole agenda of dedollarisation. He has already spoken firmly against this tendency and said that any country that adopts a dedollarisation policy will be slapped with tariffs. Since that announcement, India has distanced itself from the dedollarisation agenda of BRICS and this could potentially impact the EAEU as well.

Finally, it will be interesting to watch the Russian economy in the coming year. With two years of robust growth, there seem to be reasons for optimism, at least on the surface. But analysts are quick to point out that this is linked to heavy military spending, which may not be sustainable as a contributing factor in 2025, especially if a peace deal is taken by the Kremlin.

On the contrary, having to shift from a war economy to one of peace might cost Russia heavily because there will be issues linked to absorbing military personnel into the workforce, reconstruction costs, and more.

Will the Eurasian Economic Union enjoy a year of continued growth and expanded collaboration? Or will 2025 bring new tensions into the union? The jury is out and the only forecast for now is uncertainty.

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