What needs to happen to rebuild Syria

Early signs are good, but in this crucial map-drawing transition period, there are some important lessons to be learnt and some understandable urges to be quashed if civil war is to be avoided

The leader of Syria's Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, addresses a crowd at the capital's landmark Umayyad Mosque on December 8, 2024.
Abdulaziz KETAZ / AFP
The leader of Syria's Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, addresses a crowd at the capital's landmark Umayyad Mosque on December 8, 2024.

What needs to happen to rebuild Syria

No one lives forever—and that includes dictators. With Bashar al-Assad now gone, and with nearly half a century of his family’s rule in Damascus now over, Syria can finally turn the page and begin a new chapter, with its people feeling reborn. Despite the unknowns and concerns, this is a joyous event.

With help from Iran and Russia, al-Assad had continued to live in luxury in his palace in Kasyoun, while Syrians—including his supporters—have had to eke out a living in a crumbling economy plagued by corruption and illegality. Such a situation could never last. Al-Assad’s brutality and deceit carried him only so far. Now, he has joined the caravan of other fallen dictators, although, unlike some others, he managed to escape with his life. He is now in Russia, where he was granted political asylum.

The most important issue for Syria today is to establish a transitional administration, prevent a governance vacuum, and avoid a plunge back into civil war. All eyes are on the leader of Hayat Tahrir-al Shams (HTS), Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. And while he gives moderate messages and tries to instil confidence, many are wary. HTS, which derives from Al-Qaeda and al-Nusra, looks to want a Taliban model to be adapted to Syria.

Winners and losers

In the background, taking much of the credit is Turkey, which is believed to have played a crucial role in the victory against al-Assad. Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan promised to help Syrians rebuild their country at a conference in Doha.

The losers are undoubtedly Iran and Russia. Iran’s influence in Syria is gone, the Iran-Iraq-Syria-Lebanon ‘axis of resistance’ is now broken, and Iran’s supply line is effectively dismantled. Although Russia retains its Tartus naval base and the Khmeimim airbase, it has lost considerable prestige.

AFP
Russian soldiers stand aboard a ship at the Russian naval base in the Syrian Mediterranean port of Tartus on September 26, 2019.

Addressing the Doha delegates, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov sounded confident but must have been embarrassed. Hours later, HTS and others raised the Syrian opposition’s flag over the Russian embassy in Damascus. Both Russia and Iran have blood on their hands here and are hated by many Syrians.

There will now be a diplomatic scrap over influence in the new Syria. Interested actors include Turkey, the US, Israel, Russia, some regional Arab nations, HTS, the Turkey-backed Syrian National Army, the Kurdish YPG, and even the remnants of the Assad regime, who represent Syria’s Alawite minority.

These power games should surprise no one. In international politics, it is not uncommon for those who make fists with their right hands to pat each other on the back with their left hands. Over the next few days, we will see a lot of fist-making and back-patting by some very well-versed practitioners.

Drawing a new map

The issue at hand is the redrawing of the map. Syria has already been effectively redrawn and reshaped by events since 2011, with three vertical regions emerging: the Alawite/Nusayri-controlled western coastal region; the Sunni opposition-controlled central region, and the Kurdish/YPG-controlled east.

Whether this equates roughly to any final map remains to be seen, but it is of note that throughout the opposition’s military takeover of Syria’s major cities over the past fortnight, they did not target the coastal Tartus-Banyas-Latakia area, which are Alawite strongholds and home to Russia’s bases. It seems likely that this was agreed between HTS and various actors beforehand.

The most important thing for Syria to do is establish a transitional administration, prevent a governance vacuum, and avoid a plunge back into civil war

The most important question now is what happens next. Syria must not be divided, and the state must not collapse. Early signs are good. Al-Assad-appointed Prime Minister Mohammad Ghazi al-Jalali and his ministers did not flee and extended a hand to the opposition, calling on them to protect public security while expressing a readiness to cooperate as needed.

In this, al-Jalali has taken the right approach, and the opposition has responded positively. On Monday, Mohammed al-Bashir was appointed Syria's prime minister, having previously led the Salvation Government, affiliated with HTS, which governed parts of northwestern Syria and Idlib. For his part, Al-Jolani said that a management committee would be formed to manage the transition. Who sits on this committee could be telling, including which groups are represented, specifically whether al-Assad regime elements or Kurdish groups will get or want a seat.

It may not be easy to bring Syria's various factions together. Indeed, a key reason why al-Assad held onto power for so long was that instead of fighting him, his opponents often fought each other. Since the end of November, however, they have demonstrated a new show of discipline and unity. They will need to continue along this path if they are to effectively govern and rebuild Syria going forward. If they do not, civil war will break out.

How to rebuild (and how not to)

The full extent of al-Assad's crimes will emerge in the coming days and weeks, with some expecting mass graves to be found. Tribunals are likely to be established, but the execution of justice must not become a witch-hunt. Relieving the concerns and fears of the Alawite/Nusayri community is important to rebuilding and forging a more permanent peace in the country.

Mohammed AL-RIFAI / AFP
People stand inside the Saydnaya prison as Syrian rescuers search for potential hidden basements at the facility in Damascus on December 9, 2024.

Another important question is what happens to those who served in al-Assad's army and who may have committed atrocities. In post-Saddam Iraq, the solution they found was to dissolve the army altogether, which caused huge problems for the state's security, and these remain ongoing more than 20 years later. The region would do well to learn from its mistakes.

There are some obvious fault lines with the most potential for conflict. One is between the Sunni opposition and the Alawites—an offshoot of Shiite Islam. Another is between opposition groups themselves. Another is between the opposition and the Kurdish YPG and between Arabs and Turkmens.

In the northwest's opposition base were some jihadist Islamist groups, including HTS, and an alliance of Turkish-backed militias (known as the Syrian National Army). In the northeast, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) is a mainly Kurdish group whose fighters seized the eastern city of Deir ez-Zor on the border with Iraq in recent days as al-Assad's soldiers fled. Will they now work together?

Keeping Syria's traditions

For centuries, long before al-Assad ever ruled, Syria was known for its multi-cultural, multi-religious, and multi-sectarian social fabric. Will these new groups honour these age-old Syrian traditions? A lot depends on the system of governance they now decide on. If they push for a strict Islamist system, problems may arise.

Whether Assad regime elements or Kurdish groups will get or want a seat in the new transition government will be telling

This may determine the kind of future that Kurdish groups choose to pursue. Trained and armed by the US, the YPG will want to leverage its recent territorial expansion into permanent political gains, but Turkey has said it will not allow the YPG to establish a state-like structure over the border. Syrian Arabs would also be against this.

With a change of guard in the White House in January, analysts are keen to learn how the incoming US President Donald Trump will engage with Syria. A non-interventionist, he declared on a social media post recently that "this is not our fight", but whether that means he plans to stop backing the YPG is unclear.

For Israel, recent events have had a positive effect, effectively ending Iran's influence in Syria. It will now want to know if one problem has replaced another, given the dominance of Islamist groups who may want to do more for the Palestinians than either al-Assad or his father ever did. In the meantime, Israel has been bombing different sites in Syria and altering the border in the Golan, which it calls "temporary safety measures".

All these details will emerge in time. For now, as an era ends in Syria, its problems do not. The period ahead will be crucial to determining the future of this state in the centre of the Middle East and, with it, the region.

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