Abbas Araghchi: The tweeting diplomat sailing Iran through a storm

Online, he is an avid user of social media. Offline, Iran’s foreign minister is a seasoned international diplomat known for his calm but serious manner and negotiating skills.

Axel Rangel Garcia

Abbas Araghchi: The tweeting diplomat sailing Iran through a storm

This summer, Abbas Araghchi returned to the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which he first entered 35 years ago, in 1989.

This time, he came back as Iran’s foreign minister and head of nuclear negotiations, three years after being publicly ousted as deputy foreign minister and chief negotiator, replaced by a hardline critic of the 2015 nuclear deal.

Araghchi likes being public. Often seen talking to journalists, he is also an active presence online. His attention to communications and media likely stems from his time as the foreign ministry’s spokesperson, a role he is believed to have enjoyed, and one that gave him valuable experience during the nuclear negotiations.

Tweeting for Iran

In contrast to many of his peers, he has posted photos with the negotiating team on his Instagram page and engaged with followers. He is also active on X/Twitter, as many Iranians are. Recently, he posted about his visits to 11 countries in less than three weeks (including Egypt, where he said he enjoyed a dish called koshary, before wondering aloud why there were no Egyptian restaurants in Tehran).

He is also known for posting cryptic comments. In Geneva, he missed the group photo commemorating the nuclear negotiators, later posting: “White smoke rises.” Last week, at the BRICS summit in Russia, alongside President Pezeshkian, he again raised eyebrows, tweeting: “The sun rises in the East and indeed sets in the West.”

In the real world, Araghchi is a seasoned professional in international relations and diplomacy, known for his calm and serious negotiating style. Fluent in Arabic and English, he rarely speaks either, opting instead for Persian, choosing words with care.

By following the Supreme Leader’s directives so closely, he has earned the nickname ‘the policeman.’ Deeply religious and dedicated to the revolutionary path and the principle of resistance, he openly expresses loyalty to the revolution’s icons: Khomeini, Khamenei, and the slain commander Qasem Soleimani.

Making a minister

Some say Araghchi has Iraqi roots, but this is a misnomer—his family name originates from Aragh-e-Ajam, the mountainous region in central Iran covering Isfahan, Ray, Qazvin, and Kermanshah. It is home to Kurds, Persians, and Azeris, separated from the Arab plains of Iraq by the Zagros Mountains. In Persian, the suffix ‘ji’ translates to the Arabic nisba suffix ‘i’.

Araghchi was born in Tehran to a wealthy family that had migrated from Isfahan and had made money by making carpets. His father died when Araghchi was a teenager. His three brothers are teachers who also manufacture and export carpets. All three are esteemed businessmen (one is in the Chamber of Commerce, another in the Exporters Union, and the third in the Vendors Association).

Araghchi took a different path. He studied politics and international relations at Tehran University and later at the University of Kent in Britain. In his youth, he was athletic, playing football and swimming.

Deeply religious and dedicated to the principle of resistance, he openly expresses loyalty to the revolution's icons

Later in life, some say he used his position to benefit his family—a claim he denies. He facilitated the appointment of his nephew, Ahmad, to the central bank (Ahmad was later jailed for foreign currency manipulation), and in the final hours of the Geneva negotiations, Araghchi added a clause lifting sanctions on Iranian carpet exports.

His wife, Bahareh Abdollahian, is the daughter of Ali Abdollahian, the former Deputy Minister of Culture and a prominent figure in the Chamber of Commerce. A renowned artist, she distances herself from politics and the media. They have two sons, a daughter, and a grandchild. Araghchi admits to being reserved and unemotional, saying his wife sometimes accuses him of being harsh.

Treading a path

He adheres to the core tenets of the Islamic Republic, particularly the slogan 'Neither East nor West,' while asserting that—if necessary—he has no problem talking to 'the enemy' (the US), even though such matters are decided by the Supreme Leader.

The decision to remove him was taken in September 2021, just three months into the presidency of the late Ebrahim Raisi, who was killed in a helicopter crash in May 2024 (along with Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian). During Raisi's tenure, Iran increased uranium enrichment and hindered international inspections.

Since Iran's current president, Masoud Pezeshkian, hired him back, Araghchi has taken a more pragmatic and less ideological approach, reshaping his persona to be more conservative and less open than Mohammad Javad Zarif, who was foreign minister from 2013 to 21 and who was the driving force between the 2015 nuclear accord.

Araghchi adheres to the core tenets of the Islamic Republic, particularly the slogan 'Neither East nor West'

The tweaks seem to have worked. Although he was only appointed in August of this year, Araghchi 2.0 has so far united conservatives, reformists, and centrists alike. In Iranian politics, success sometimes comes down to treading a path.

Climbing the ladder

Although a big name now, in the 1990s and 2000s, Araghchi's diplomatic career was more gradual than stellar. That changed when Ali Larijani, Iran's former Speaker of Parliament and a trusted insider, was appointed to lead the nuclear negotiations. It was Larijani who brought Araghchi onto the negotiating team.

After Larijani resigned in 2007 following a dispute with then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Araghchi was posted to Tokyo and appointed Iran's ambassador to Japan (having earlier been ambassador to Finland and an envoy to Saudi Arabia).

After completing his post, he returned to Tehran and rejoined the negotiation team, this time under Saeed Jalili, head of the National Security Council, resuming his involvement in the nuclear talks. When Zarif was appointed foreign minister, the nuclear negotiations shifted from the National Security Council to the foreign ministry at Zarif's insistence.

BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI / POOL / AFP
Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, Head of Iran Atomic Energy Organisation Ali Akbar Salehi, and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif meet with their US counterparts in Lausanne, Switzerland, on March 29, 2015.

Zarif as mentor

Zarif retained Araghchi on his team. This was criticised, since Araghchi was seen by critics as emblematic of the fruitless negotiations from the Ahmadinejad era. Yet Araghchi rose to prominence under Zarif, becoming his deputy.

The patience finally paid off. In 2015, after months of negotiations, Iran and the six global powers (led by the United States) reached agreement, and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was born.

Broadly, this loosened sanctions and released frozen assets in return for Iran putting its nuclear development programme on ice and allowing inspectors in to check. The main deal survived only until 2017, however, when Donald Trump assumed the US presidency and reinstated sanctions.

In 2021, Raisi pulled Araghchi from the role of nuclear negotiator, but former foreign minister Kamal Kharazi brought him back into the fold at the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, appointing him as secretary. By 2024, with Raisi gone, Araghchi was back at the ministry—and in the top job.

Araghchi's appointment has been taken as a signal that Iran aims to accelerate negotiations and is willing to take bold steps to lift sanctions

Bypassing Baharestan

Araghchi's appointment as foreign minister has been taken as a signal that Iran aims to accelerate negotiations and is willing to take bold steps to lift sanctions and prevent the Gaza conflict from spilling over.

Baharestan, where the Islamic Consultative Assembly building is located, posed the only significant hurdle. Assembly members—often hardline conservatives—are no fans of Araghchi. They distrust his close association with Zarif, whose "Americanised" diplomatic style and "open-door policies" were far from popular.

Assembly members have also questioned Araghchi's stance on the Axis of Resistance (Iran's armed militias), but he gained the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee's approval before the confidence vote in Baharestan.

This suggests that Araghchi has solid institutional backing from elsewhere, and that his appointment had already been approved in behind-the-scenes negotiations. This, in turn, meant that the Assembly did not obstruct his appointment (as it could have), despite members' individual objections.

Zarif's shadow

Zarif, who is now the Vice-President of Iran (and Pezeshkian's official advisor), retains a huge influence, and Araghchi is seen as Zarif's shadow in the foreign ministry. Unlike his mentor, Araghchi does not lead on the diplomatic front.

Nevertheless, Iran and Pezeshkian will be relying on his diplomacy and negotiating skills to navigate Iran through the Middle East's complex regional waters and secure agreements that safeguard the Islamic Republic, to which he is so loyal. Israel will be uppermost in his mind.

His job is no less than to revive nuclear negotiations, open a new chapter with Europe, improve relations with regional neighbours, and prevent a devastating war with Israel. On the prevention of war, Araghchi finds common ground and shares interests with the Americans (or, at least, with Joe Biden's administration).

As for so much of the Middle East, Araghchi's fate hinges on the next White House incumbent. Kamala Harris may be more inclined to talk to the Iranians than Donald Trump. Araghchi and Zarif will set their dials accordingly.

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